This is a web edition of Dusk of Decay, a factual account of events in Bangladesh
between 5 Aug 2024 – 31 Jan 2026. The book draws exclusively on mainstream media reporting, and
prioritizes the nature and progression of events over statistics.
How the sources work
Every newspaper citation links to the original article (opens in a new tab). On the
Sources page each entry also offers an archived copy via the
Wayback Machine (⎘) and, where collected, an offline PDF (⤓ PDF) — so the evidence stays
reachable even if an article is taken down or you are offline.
Prologue
The Mirage of Hope
August 5, 2024. The ousting of the Awami League government through violent protests was fueled by a silent yet potent weapon: Hope. The masses were implicitly promised a new dawn of good governance, robust democracy, pluralism, and the protection of free speech. It was branded as a "New Independence," a "New Journey," and the birth of "Bangladesh 2.0."
However, the reality that followed the collapse of the regime was an immediate descent into unimaginable anarchy. On the afternoon of August 5, Chief of Army Staff General Waker-uz-Zaman, in a televised address, assured the nation of their security. Three days later, Nobel Peace Laureate Professor Dr. Muhammad Yunus assumed office as the head of an interim government, also providing similar guarantees of safety to the people. In practice, none of these assurances were fulfilled. Instead, an unprecedented anarchy began. Rather than a temporary chaos caused by a power vacuum, a pervasive reign of terror and extreme criminality marked the entire tenure of the interim administration led by Nobel Laureate Professor Muhammad Yunus.The persistence of this environment forces a grim realization:
these atrocities were not accidental. They were systemic. Hope was the deception; anarchy was the objective.
The events of this era manifest in two forms: latent and patent. The latent atrocities include constitutional opacity, the distortion of history, aggressive social engineering, a compromised judiciary, international alignments that jeopardize national sovereignty, and economic policies with long-term detrimental effects. The patent atrocities, however, encompass acts so profound that they risk falling under the frameworks of international criminal law.
"DUSK OF DECAY" serves as a factual account of firsthand events from August 5, 2024, to January 31, 2026. During this period, the people of Bangladesh were subjected to a wide array of atrocities. This record prioritizes the nature of these offenses and the progression of events over mere statistics, though it makes no claim to be an exhaustive catalog of every incident.
While mainstream media outlets were subject to overt control, they were also under direct threat and their staff frequently became victims themselves. Consequently, much of the reportage regarding various forms of persecution and abuse surfaced primarily on social media. To ensure the highest standards of evidentiary reliability, this book relies exclusively on mainstream media as its sources. The narrative is constructed solely from reports that managed to appear in traditional outlets despite these restrictive and hazardous conditions. Throughout the work, the objective remains strict factual neutrality with personal commentary kept to an absolute minimum.
Chapter I
Terrorizing the Nation and the Granting of Indemnity
Multiple Waves of Terror
[Destruction, Looting, Mobocracy]
The Fall of Government and the First Wave
On the afternoon of August 5, following news of the resignation and departure of Prime Minister and Awami League President Sheikh Hasina, protesters marched toward the Prime Minister’s Office, Gono Bhaban, and the Parliament Building in victory processions. During this time, a vast number of people entered the buildings, engaging in vandalism and looting. They emerged exultant, carrying away whatever they could find, including furniture, televisions, refrigerators, clothing, frozen fish, ducks, chickens, and goats. Some were even seen uprooting plants from the gardens. People were also seen parading with sarees and undergarments- a live exhibition of mass looting. In videos circulating on social media, several looters were identified as members of the educated class. Among them, former footballer Kaisar Hamid was seen removing items along with his wife and daughter. An army member was also spotted taking a laptop. Military personnel stationed for the security of Gono Bhaban did not intervene in the pillage. Following the looting, Gono Bhaban was set on fire.
This incident initiated an unchecked spree of looting that stretched from the capital to the grassroots level. At around 4:00 PM, an attack was launched on the Bangabandhu Memorial Museum, established in the residence of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman at Dhanmondi 32. Vandals struck every floor of the three-story building, which held memories of the Bengali struggle for liberation and the Independence War, before setting it ablaze. Historic memorabilia of Bangabandhu kept there were reduced to ashes, and various pieces of equipment were looted. On the same day, after being vandalized, Sudha Sadan, the residence of Sheikh Hasina’s late husband Wazed Miah in Dhanmondi, was looted, as were the official residences of several ministers and state ministers on Minto Road, known as the Ministers' Quarter, along with the residences of the Attorney General and several judges.
On August 5, the homes of ministers, members of parliament (MPs), and party leaders in various districts were attacked, vandalized, looted, and subsequently set on fire. Notable targets included the residences of former President Md. Abdul Hamid, Road Transport and Bridges Minister Obaidul Quader, Local Government Minister Tazul Islam, Public Administration Minister Farhad Hossain, Land Minister Narayan Chandra Chanda, and Social Welfare Minister Dr. Dipu Moni. In Bajitpur, Kishoreganj, attacks and looting took place at "MP Market," owned by MP Afzal
Hossain, and at a market belonging to his nephew, Gazir Char UP Chairman Jewel Miah. The duplex house of Narail-2 MP Mashrafe Bin Mortaza, the two-story residence of District Awami League President Subash Chandra Bose, and the homes and establishments of many local leaders were also vandalized and looted.
In Sherpur district, the Sadar Police Station, the dormitory for District Administration Magistrates, the Sribardi Upazila Parishad office, various Union Parishad buildings, and Awami League offices were vandalized, looted, and torched. Similar attacks targeted the home of Sherpur Sadar MP and District Awami League General Secretary Sanuar Hossain Sanu, as well as the residences of several other party leaders. In Araihazar, Narayanganj, attacks and looting occurred at the Krishnapura home of Whip Nazrul Islam Babu and the textile mill and residence of Municipal Councilor Jahangir Hossain. The homes of three MPs in Lalmonirhat were also targeted. Attacks, vandalism, and arson were carried out at the residences of Munshiganj-3 MP Mohammad Faisal Biplob, State Minister Shafiqur Rahman Chowdhury in Sylhet, and MP Ranjit Sarkar. Two pharmacies were also burned down and a fashion house looted during the attacks. In Ranibazar, Rajshahi, the political office and residence of City Mayor and Awami League leader AHM Khairuzzaman Liton were vandalized and looted. A similar fate befell the residence of Dinajpur District Awami League President and MP, freedom fighter Mostafizur Rahman Fizar. In Trishal, Mymensingh, the homes of an MP and several Awami League leaders, along with multiple party offices, were ransacked. In Taraganj, Rangpur, a chemical fertilizer warehouse belonging to Awami League President Atiar
Rahman was attacked, and 460 sacks of fertilizer were looted.
On August 6, the homes of at least 20 Members of Parliament, including recently former Religion Minister Faridul Haque Khan, Food Minister Sadhan Chandra Majumder, and State Minister Zunaid Ahmed Palak, were vandalized, looted, and set on fire. In Bagerhat district, at least 100 offices of the Awami League and its affiliate organizations, as well as the homes and businesses of activists, faced similar incidents.
In Barguna, extensive attacks, vandalism, arson, and looting targeted the offices, homes, and businesses of Awami League leaders. Additionally, the establishments of over a hundred general traders were pillaged. At a press conference held at the Barguna Press Club on August 11, business owners alleged that large sums of extortion money were demanded from them following the fall of the government. When they refused to pay, their businesses were attacked, and millions of taka were looted.
In the Khorompatti area of Kishoreganj town, the District Freedom Fighters' Complex, which houses the Muktijoddha office and a community center run by freedom fighters, suffered damages amounting to nearly ten million taka due to extensive vandalism, arson, and looting. On the afternoon of August 5, every floor of the three-story building was devastated. The tin-shed office of the Sadar Upazila Freedom Fighters was also looted. A large quantity of equipment and items was stolen, including seven air conditioners, 40 ceiling fans, a computer, a laptop, a laser machine, a camera, a photostat machine, a generator, furniture, utensils, doors, chairs, tables, carpets, basins, and staircase railings.
On the afternoon of August 5, the Chief of Army Staff assured in his speech that the military was assuming responsibility for the security of the nation's citizens. Three days later, an interim government was formed with Dr. Muhammad Yunus as the Chief Adviser. Many attributed the looting, vandalism, and arson of that period to the immediate anarchy of a volatile power transition and the fragile state of law enforcement, particularly the police. However, a second wave of looting and destruction, six months after the formation of the interim government, proved this claim incorrect. Some had argued from the beginning that these were acts of planned and structural terror. Subsequent events have strengthened that claim.
The Second Wave: Bulldozer Terror
On February 4, 2025, the verified Facebook page of the Bangladesh Chhatra League announced that Awami League President Sheikh Hasina, currently in India, would deliver an online speech addressed to students. In response, the verified page of the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement-the leadership behind the anti-Hasina protests and often described as the "powerhouse" of the interim government-posted on the afternoon: "If any speech by the killer, genocidist, and fascist Hasina is broadcast in the media, that media outlet must face the consequences." Later, during a press conference, the organization's convener, Hasnat Abdullah, stated that if any media broadcast Sheikh Hasina's speech, it would be assumed they were collaborating with her. At 6:25 PM, he posted on his verified Facebook account: "Tonight, the pilgrimage site of fascism in Bangladesh will be liberated." Throughout the day, many members of the organization posted on Facebook about a "Bulldozer Procession" heading toward Dhanmondi 32. Around 9:00 PM, the July Revolutionary Alliance announced a program in the direction of Dhanmondi.
On the afternoon of August 5, 2024, this historic residence and memorial museum had already undergone a wave of vandalism, looting, and arson. At about 8:00 PM on February 5, 2025, a violent group entered the premises chanting various slogans and carried out further vandalism. By 8:45 PM, the house was set on fire. Simultaneously, another group set fire to Sudha Sadan, Sheikh Hasina's residence on Road 5 in Dhanmondi. During these events, police personnel were seen stationed on Mirpur Road at the entrance of Road 32. Army personnel arrived at the scene around 9:00 PM; however, neither the police nor the army intervened. Around 10:45 PM, bulldozers (excavators) were brought in to demolish the house. After a night of continuous demolition, the front section of the three-story residence of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was found largely razed by morning. Those present informed journalists that the work would continue with excavators until the remaining structure was leveled to the ground. That same night, the three-story residence of Sheikh Hasina's cousins in Khulna, known as Sheikh Bari, was also demolished using bulldozers. In Kushtia, the home of former MP and Awami League Joint General Secretary
Mahbubul Alam Hanif was similarly razed. In Cumilla, the residence of former MP AKM Bahauddin Bahar and the city Awami League office were vandalized and torched; this house had previously been looted on August 5. Vandalism and arson also targeted the residence of Tofail Ahmed, a member of the Awami League Advisory Council and former MP for Bhola-1. In Pirojpur, the home of District Awami League President AKM Awal and his brother, former Mayor Habibur Rahman Malek, was vandalized and set on fire. Subsequently, a filling station owned by Malek in the New Bus Stand area was vandalized. Additionally, the village home of District Awami League Joint General Secretary Akhteruzzaman Fulu was torched.
On the morning of February 6, the Noakhali District page of the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement posted: "Revolutionaries of Noakhali, be ready with bulldozers. March to Kauya Quader’s house! Today at 11:00 AM." Following this, the ancestral home of Awami League General Secretary and former Minister Obaidul Quader in Basurhat, Companiganj, was attacked, vandalized, and set on fire. On the same day, the residence of former State Minister for Foreign Affairs and MP Shahriar Alam in Rajshahi was torched. Arson also occurred at the village home of Awami League leader Mohammad Ali, father of actress and director Meher Afroz Shaon, in Jamalpur. In the Khorompatti area of Kishoreganj, the residence of former President Abdul Hamid was vandalized and burned. In Bogura, the offices of the District Awami League and District Jasad (Inu) were razed to the ground. The Awami League office was later declared the "Awami Abu Jahl
Toilet," while the Jasad office was designated the "Abu Sayeed Jame Mosque."
In Savar, following the announcement of a "March to Manjari" program, an attack took place at Raj Manjari, the ancestral home of Upazila Awami League General Secretary Manjurul Alam Rajib and his younger brother Fakhrul Alam Samar. However, the attackers failed to set the house on fire due to resistance from locals.
At 10:00 PM on February 7, a group of miscreants identifying as "Student-Citizens" attacked and began looting the home of AKM Mozammel Huq, former Minister of Liberation War Affairs and Gazipur District Awami League President. During the incident, an announcement was made via a mosque loudspeaker stating that robbers had attacked the Minister’s house, urging residents to come forward. Hearing the announcement, locals surrounded the house. As the attackers attempted to flee, 15 of them were caught and beaten. Army personnel arrived at the scene to rescue the injured and sent them to the Gazipur Shaheed Tajuddin Ahmad Medical College Hospital. The Anti-Discrimination Student Movement, supporters of the interim government, claimed the attackers as their own and organized nationwide protests against the injuries, alleging that "innocent students" were attacked by Awami League terrorists. Subsequently, a case was filed against 239 Awami League members, leading to a widespread arrest campaign. On the same day, the ancestral home of former Army Chief Moin U Ahmed in Begumganj, Noakhali, was attacked, vandalized, and torched.
On March 8, a six-story building belonging to Advocate Joaherul Islam, former MP and Tangail District Awami League General Secretary, was occupied. A young woman identifying as a student coordinator, Mariyam Mukaddas Mishti, led the occupation by breaking the locks and declared the building would be converted into a facility for those with mental illness.
On the morning of April 2, a brief procession was held in Sylhet city under the banner of the banned Chhatra League. In reaction, over a hundred youths on at least 80 motorcycles attacked the residence of former Sylhet City Mayor and Awami League leader Md. Anwaruzzaman Chowdhury in the Pathantula area that evening. The attackers entered the house, vandalizing furniture and looting property. Attacks also targeted the apartment office of Awami League Central Organizing Secretary Shafiul Alam Chowdhury Nadel in the Shuveccha residential area, and the home of Ruhel Ahmad, former councilor and president of Sylhet Government College Chhatra League.
On June 11, 2025, during a visit to London, Chief Adviser Dr. Muhammad Yunus faced questions regarding "Bulldozer Terror." While participating in a dialog organized by Chatham House, a young expatriate journalist told him: "When you arrived at Dhaka airport on August 7, 2024, you said your main challenge was to unite everyone. But we have seen the residence of Bangladesh’s first president, Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, razed by Dhaka City Corporation bulldozers over a period of more than six hours. We observed the silence of the administration there. On this basis, you have marginalized specific individuals or their supporters, creating division. In that case, the question is, how do you intend to reform Bangladesh or establish unity, without including them?" In response, Yunus avoided a direct answer regarding the demolition of the Dhanmondi 32 residence, stating: "They (the police) are now afraid to go to the streets. A stalemate had been created. We did not know how to handle this situation. So it took time."
Although this event took place six months after his assumption of power, a period during which the police force was sufficiently active and the army was deployed for law and order, announcements regarding the demolition of the house had been circulating on Facebook hours in advance. This historic residence and memorial museum were demolished over three days in a festival-like atmosphere. While police and army patrols were visible, they did not intervene.
The Third Wave: Gaza as a Pretext
Another wave of vandalism and looting occurred during the first week of April. On April 7, nationwide protest programs were called under the banner of Tawhidi Janata, (meaning roughly "People of the Faith") to protest the Israeli genocide in Gaza. From one of these processions, a KFC restaurant and a newly constructed hotel in the Mirboxtula area of Sylhet city were vandalized. Subsequently, various Bata showrooms, Unimart outlets, and several high-end brand establishments were targeted for vandalism and looting. At around 12:30 PM, a group of youths attacked KFC, Pizza Hut, and Pansi in the Sugandha area of Cox’s Bazar. Between 12:30 PM and 1:00 PM, "Tawhidi Janata" vandalized a Bata shoe showroom in the Satmatha area of Bogra city. A Bata showroom in the Board Bazar area of Gazipur met the same fate. At approximately 4:15 PM, KFC and Pizza Hut restaurants at the GEC intersection in Chattogram were vandalized. While protest marches in support of oppressed Palestinians have been a long-standing tradition in Bangladesh, such incidents of vandalism and looting had never previously occurred during such marches.
The Fourth Wave: Pretext – Tribunal Verdict Against Sheikh Hasina
Around 12:30 AM on September 6, 2025, an attack and vandalism took place at the residence of Kader Siddique Bir Uttom, the founding president of the Krishak Sramik Janata League, in the Akur Takur Para area of Tangail city.
On November 17, 2025, following the announcement of the tribunal's verdict against Sheikh Hasina, the residence of Mohammad Habib Hasan, former MP for Dhaka-18 and former Joint General Secretary of Dhaka Metropolitan North Awami League, in Uttara, Dhaka, was set on fire. On the same day in Feni, portraits of Bangabandhu and Sheikh Hasina were vandalized, and the main gate of the residence of Nizam Hazari, District Awami League General Secretary and former MP, was torched. Simultaneously, a "victory procession" was organized by the Mithamain Upazila BNP in Kishoreganj. Participants of the march attacked the residence of former President Abdul Hamid, destroying windows, furniture, and various other belongings.
The Fifth Wave: Pretext – The Killing of Osman Hadi
The schedule for the national election was announced on December 11, 2025. The following day, Sharif Osman Hadi of the Inquilab Mancha was shot by unidentified assailants. He was eventually taken to Singapore for medical treatment, where news of his death was broadcast on December 18.
Immediately, a fresh storm of terror swept over Awami League leaders and activists across the country. At approximately 8:15 PM, the residence of former State Minister for Shipping Khalid Mahmud Chowdhury was set on fire. His home is located in the Dhantola area of Bochaganj, Dinajpur. At the same time, the home of former Setabganj Municipal Mayor Aslam was also torched. Around 11:15 PM, the residence of former Chattogram Mayor Mohiuddin was set ablaze. The office of the Assistant High Commissioner of India in Chattogram also came under attack. Following a sit-in program by Inquilab Mancha in front of the office, a group of individuals hurled bricks and stones at the building. When police fired tear gas, the attackers retaliated with further brick-batting. Police eventually chased them away, bringing the situation under control by 2:00 AM. In Uttara, Dhaka, the residence of former Awami League MP Habib Hasan was again set on fire.
At about 12:30 AM, the residence of Bir Bahadur Ushwe Sing, former Minister for Chittagong Hill Tracts Affairs, was torched in Bandarban. In Jhenaidah city, a house and a business establishment were vandalized and burned, while several other houses were pelted with bricks. Protesters vandalized the home office of District Awami League Joint General Secretary Konok Kanti Das and set fire to the furniture. Subsequently, they torched the business establishment of Sadar Municipal Awami League Vice President Mizanur Rahman Masum. During the same period, they hurled bricks at the residence of former MP Naser Shahrier Zahedee Mohul.
In Kushtia, a group of youths set fire to the Jugia residence of Municipal Panel Mayor Shahin Uddin. Meanwhile, allegations surfaced regarding attacks on the homes of Jubo League leader Babul Hossain and District Swechasebak League General Secretary Manab Chaki in Amlapara, as well as the residence of an individual named Chunnu in Peyaratola. In the Kumarpara area of Rajshahi city, the Metropolitan Awami League office was razed using an excavator.
The following Friday, an attack was carried out on the home of Awami League leader and blogger Sushanta Das Gupta in the Chiriyakandi area of Habiganj city. This was followed by an attack on the Habiganj Awami League office. In Nagalkot, Cumilla, a group of people demolished the gateway of "Lotus Chattar," built in the name of former Finance Minister AHM Mustafa Kamal. At night, the residence of Anisul Islam Mahmud, President of the National Democratic Front (NDF) and Chairman of a faction of the Jatiya Party, was vandalized and torched in Hathazari, Chattogram.
Political Party Offices Seizures: The Anti- Fascist Pretext
Following the fall of the Awami League government on August 5, the party's central office was set on fire and subjected to a month of looting. The multi-story building remained largely abandoned until May 16, 2025, when a banner reading "Office of the July Warriors" was displayed on its walls. In addition to the central headquarters, various regional party offices across the country were targeted for attack and occupation.
On October 31, 2024, the Jatiya Party central office was attacked and torched for the first time after being labeled collaborators of the "fascist" Awami League. At 6:00 PM, students under the banner of "Anti-Fascist Students, Workers, and Masses" held a torch procession at Dhaka University to protest the "political activities and anti- national conspiracies" of the fallen regime and its allies. During the rally, Hasnat Abdullah, a convener of the Anti- Discrimination Student Movement, branded the Jatiya Party as "national traitors" and led a march toward Bijoynagar. The party's office was set on fire at 7:00 PM. When fire service units arrived at 7:50 PM, they were forced to retreat due to obstruction by the students.
On the evening of August 31, 2025, the Jatiya Party headquarters was again attacked and vandalized by a "Gono Odhikar Parishad" procession. Leaders and activists from the same organization launched another assault on September 5, ransacking various rooms and setting them ablaze.
On the afternoon of October 21, 2025, the Awami League's Chattogram North District office in the Dost Building was occupied. The takeover was led by Arif Moinuddin, a joint coordinator of the National Citizen Party (NCP) and former convener of the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement.
On November 12, around 11:00 PM, approximately one hundred people chanting slogans in support of Dr. Yunus attacked the Workers' Party central office. Claiming to resist a "lockdown" program announced by the Awami League, they demanded the execution of party president Rashed Khan Menon. The attackers rampaged for nearly ninety minutes, assaulted office assistant Monir Hossain, and handed him over to the police after planting a "bomb" in his hand.
On November 13, amid rising tensions over the scheduled verdict against Sheikh Hasina, the central office of the banned Awami League was again vandalized and burned. The attack was carried out at 1:00 PM by a group marching under the "Inquilab Mancha" banner in Gulistan.
Beyond Political Vendetta: A Social Malady
Immediately following the regime change on August 5, looting spread even to the remote char areas of Mehendiganj and Hijla sub-districts, which are geographically isolated from the Barishal mainland. In the vast island-like chars within the Meghna River, miscreants arrived by trawler to plunder hundreds of free-roaming cattle, including cows and buffaloes. They even looted the crops harvested by local farmers from these lands.
In the Kanainagar area of Chandpai Union under Mongla, Bagerhat, the residence of a shrimp farm owner named Hasem Fakir was attacked and looted. Furthermore, his 156-decimal shrimp enclosure was forcibly occupied. Similarly, government-owned water bodies (jalmahals) in Charghat, Rajshahi, faced indiscriminate occupation and fish plundering. Following this trend, in the first week of March 2025, fish were looted from at least ten water bodies in Shalla, Dirai, and Jamalganj sub-districts of Sunamganj. Legitimate leaseholders, who pay significant revenue to the government, were left destitute after losing fish worth millions of taka.
In Rupdia Madhyapara of Jessore Sadar, 14 homeless families had been living for over 50 years after the original landowner, Sayeed Bux, provided them shelter. After his death, a Jamaat-e-Islami leader named Khabir Khan and his followers attempted to claim the land. Despite failing in court, they began issuing threats following the political shift on August 5. Finally, on the morning of April 13, 2025, an armed group of 60 to 70 Jamaat activists launched an attack, vandalizing all 14 houses and assaulting the men and women inside. The victims alleged that the attackers looted all their belongings alongside the destruction. Although the police arrived upon receiving the news, they reportedly took no action, leading to further threats of violence against the victims.
Exploiting the fall of the government, stone worth millions of taka was looted within hours from Jaflong in Gowainghat and the "Sada Pathar" area of Vholaganj in Companiganj. From the evening of August 5 to the afternoon of August 6, stone was hauled away in hundreds of boats of various sizes. Additionally, the homes and businesses of Awami League activists in Jaflong were looted and set ablaze. The unchecked plundering of stone worth billions of taka continues across all stone quarries in Sylhet, including Jaflong, Vholaganj, and Lobhachhara. According to a report published in Daily Prothom Alo on June 18, 2025, stone worth 20 billion BDT was looted from Sylhet’s quarries in the ten months following August 5. While theft existed previously, the scale of looting in those ten months surpassed the total of the previous 15 years.
On October 2, 2025, Daily Ajker Patrika reported: "Bamboo and Rattan Looted from 23 Bamboo Groves." Detailed accounts reveal that there are 23 bamboo groves across four ranges under the Forest Department in Moulvibazar. All these groves currently remain without leaseholders. Although they once generated millions in revenue, the Forest Department found no bidders during the recent tender process. Exploiting this vacuum, forest resources are being looted indiscriminately.
The Dhopajan Cholti River, flowing from the Meghalaya hills in India into Sunamganj, is the district's only sand- mixed stone quarry. Over 100,000 people from 15 villages depend on this river. To protect their livelihoods and the environment, a court order prohibited sand extraction in 2018. However, after August 5, sand lifters became active again, initiating a festival of plunder. Hundreds of bulkheads and boats entered daily for unrestricted sand extraction and transport. This has left nearly 20 riverside villages and various infrastructures at risk of collapsing into the riverbed.
The chaos of looting, vandalism, arson, and forced occupation is not merely a product of political vendetta. It is not only the leaders, activists, and supporters of the ousted Awami League who have fallen victim to this lawlessness. Rather, this anarchy has spread nationwide due to the inaction and indulgence of the interim government, affecting ordinary citizens from all walks of life. In the 54 years since the Liberation War of 1971, Bangladeshi society has not witnessed such mass lawlessness.
Police Killing, Arms Looting, and the Release of Top Terrorists
On August 5, the day the government fell, 450 out of 639 police stations across the country were attacked. A total of 5,829 firearms were looted from the police, including 1,147 rifles, 10 Model-T08 rifles, 251 Type-56 SMGs, 32 Type-56
LMGs, 1,556 Type-54 pistols, 33 SMTs, 2,190 shotguns, 593 gas guns, 14 tear gas launchers, and three signal pistols.
Based on viral images and videos on social media, news spread that between several hundred and several thousand police officers had been killed. In response, Police Headquarters released a list of deceased members on October 25, 2024. According to their official record, 44 police personnel were killed in total. The highest number of deaths occurred on August 5, with 24 officers killed. The previous day, on August 4, 15 police officers were murdered during an attack on the Enayetpur Police Station in Sirajganj. Earlier in the movement, three unarmed police officers were killed in Dhaka on July 20 and 21; they were not on duty at the time and were not involved in suppressing protests. Two were in civilian clothes heading to the office, while the third was on leave and had stepped out of his home for tea.
Notably, the first fatalities of the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement occurred on July 16, with six deaths nationwide. In Dhaka, Sabuj Ali, an activist of the pro- government Chhatra League, and a hawker named Shahjahan were killed. In Chattogram, the victims included Faruq, a furniture shop employee, Wasim, a Chhatra Dal activist, and one unidentified person, while Abu Sayed, a student of Begum Rokeya University, was killed in Rangpur.
The following day, an attack was launched on the Jatrabari Police Station in Dhaka, and the toll plaza of the Mayor Hanif Flyover in Shanir Akhra was set on fire. On July 18, protesters torched the Rampura Police Outpost and the
BTV building. On the same day, Setu Bhaban, the Department of Disaster Management, BRTA, and the National Data Center were set ablaze. On the night of July 18, 13 government offices, including the regional passport office in Narayanganj, were gutted by fire. During this period, the Police Bureau of Investigation (PBI) office was attacked and weapons were looted. On July 19, protesters attacked the Narsingdi District Jail, breaking into the armory and snatching 85 weapons and over 8,000 rounds of ammunition. During the chaos, 826 prisoners escaped, including nine members of the banned militant organizations JMB and Ansarullah Bangla Team. Alongside the killing of police and acts of sabotage, the rising death toll of protesters created an extreme situation.
Following the fall of the government on August 5, riots broke out in 17 prisons across the country, leading to the escape of 2,000 prisoners, at least 96 of whom were militants or death-row convicts.
After the interim government led by Dr. Yunus was formed on August 8, several top-tier terrorists who had been imprisoned for years began securing release on bail. Notable among them were Shibir Nasir, Picchi Helal, Sweden Aslam, Killer Abbas, Titton, Rasu, and Imon. These individuals returned to the underworld, revitalizing criminal networks. Mufti Jashimuddin Rahmani, the spiritual head of the Ansarullah Bangla Team and a convict in the blogger Rajib Haider murder case, was released on bail. Shafiur Rahman Farabi, sentenced to life imprisonment for the murder of writer and blogger Avijit Roy, also secured bail. Furthermore, several individuals accused of crimes against humanity during the 1971 Liberation War were granted bail by the International Crimes Tribunal. ATM Azharul Islam, a Jamaat-e-Islami leader sentenced to death, was granted an appeal opportunity and subsequently released following a verdict from the Appellate Division.
Amid an unprecedented rise in violence, attacks on the police continued even under the interim government. According to Police Headquarters data, 225 incidents of attacks on police personnel occurred in the six months from August 2024 to February 2025, 70 of which were major assaults. There were 24 attacks in September 2024, 34 in October, 49 in November, 43 in December, 38 in January 2025, and 37 in February 2025.
Subordinate police officers had initially observed a work abstention, demanding justice for the killing of their colleagues and calling for the de-politicization and reform of the force. They returned to duty after receiving assurances that their demands would be met. However, Constable Shoaibur Rahman Shoaib and Naek Sajib Sarkar, who were vocal about these demands, were arrested just one month later. On November 1, Sergeant Sabina Yasmin was dismissed. On August 8, she had wept before the new IGP, demanding justice for her murdered colleagues. Despite being promised a fair trial at the time, she was later punished on charges of "misconduct."
Mobocracy: The New Political Order
In the social fabric of Bangladesh,"mobs" were never historically a primary or dominant criminal trend. Small- scale offenders like thieves or pickpockets were common targets of "mass beating," but such incidents were localized. One of the most brutal past instances occurred on July 20, 2019, during the construction of the Padma Bridge. A specific quarter spread a nationwide rumor that "human heads are required for the bridge." Taslima Begum Renu, a victim of the "child-lifter" rumor, was lynched at a local school in North Badda while inquiring about her child's admission. On October 29, 2020, in Lalmonirhat, a man named Shahidunnabi Jewel was brutally lynched and his body publicly burned following rumors of Quranic desecration.
Since August 5, 2024, the "mob" has taken on a different dimension: vast, widespread, and organized. It is no longer an isolated or spontaneous occurrence but is utilized as a weapon of well-planned and structural terror. Throughout the 18 months of turmoil that have devastated the state and society, the mob has become the primary driver. From the looting of the Gono Bhaban to the burning of the Dhanmondi 32 residence, the beating of teachers, the destruction of shrines, attacks on minorities, and assaults on court premises-everything has been carried out under the banner of the "mob." Beyond Awami League activists, it has become a norm to target any ordinary citizen by branding them a "collaborator of fascism."
On April 29, 2025, actor Siddiq was beaten on the street and handed over to the police. Multiple videos of the incident went viral on social media showing a group of youths dragging him with his clothes torn while some physically assaulted him as he wept.
On May 5, some leaders and activists of the National Citizen Party (NCP) abducted SM Millat Hossain, the acting principal of Bogura Homeopathic Medical College, from his chamber, beat him, and handed him to the police. On May 6, sculptor Rasa was harassed in Gulshan; he was forced off a rickshaw and humiliated while the footage was circulated online.
On May 19, after 11:00 PM, a group gathered in front of the residence of Golam Mostafa, owner of Hakkani Publishers, on Dhanmondi Road 4, chanting slogans such as "No room for Awami collaborators." They pushed the guard aside and attempted to enter the fourth floor. Following a call to 999, police arrived. A video surfaced showing Saiful Islam Rabbi, a coordinator for the Mohammedpur branch of the Anti- Discrimination Student Movement, arguing with the police. He told the Dhanmondi Police OC(Officer-in-Charge), "Why are you talking like this? You are the OC, why haven't you arrested him? I am telling you... arrest him." Three individuals were taken into custody. Golam Mostafa told the media, "I am not involved in the Awami League. I publish books for various ideologies as part of my business. Someone cannot try to break down my door at midnight just because I published their books." The next afternoon, the three were released on bond to their families in the presence of central committee members of the student movement and NCP leader Hannan Masud. Later, in September, the Army arrested Rabbi and three others while they were attempting to extort a private clinic in Bosila.
On the afternoon of June 22, activists from an affiliate organization of the BNP created a mob in front of the residence of former Chief Election Commissioner and freedom fighter KM Nurul Huda in Uttara. They entered the house, dragged him out, and publicly placed a garland of shoes around his neck while beating him with shoes. A video showed Huda in a t-shirt and lungi, surrounded by a crowd throwing eggs at him while the police stood nearby. After over an hour of harassment, he was handed to the police and arrested in a case filed by the BNP. He was later taken to the DB office and placed on a four-day remand.
On July 26, five people were arrested by police for forcibly entering the residence of Awami League MP Shammi Ahmed in Gulshan to extort money. They had demanded 50 million BDT and had already received 10 million BDT. The group leader, Abdur Razzak bin Sulaiman Riyad, is a leader of the combined private university convener committee of the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement. Police later recovered checks worth 22.5 million BDT from his home. Another arrested coordinator, Jane Alam Apu, claimed in a video message before his arrest that Adviser Asif Mahmud Shojib Bhuyain was involved in the extortion. CCTV footage from the Westin Hotel area between 4:10 AM and 4:40 AM supported Apu's claim, showing the Adviser, who was wearing a helmet, speaking with him. When questioned, Adviser Asif stated he sometimes goes to the Westin or “300 Feet” for food when work ends late and could not recall if he was in Gulshan that night.
Expatriate journalist Zulkarnain Saer Khan explicitly alleged on social media that Nahid Islam, Adviser and convener of the NCP, had provided shelter to Riyad. In a post on July 31, he claimed Riyad was the "ringleader" of an organized extortion racket that enjoyed political patronage from Nahid Islam, adding, "I knew Riyad was under your shelter; later I learned he had close relations with you and your father."
The Reward of Terrorism: Indemnity and Incitement
Following the fall of the government on August 5, blank murder cases and arrest operations were launched against Awami League leaders and activists from the top tier to the grassroots. In the first two months alone, 1,695 cases were filed, and in the first 13 days of October 2024, 3,195 people were arrested. However, what happened regarding the criminal offenses committed around August 5, including the killing of police officers, looting of weapons, destruction of state property, and attacks on the homes and businesses of minorities and political workers?
On September 15, at the DMP Headquarters, while discussing with journalists who cover crime news, Dhaka Metropolitan Police (DMP) Commissioner Md. Mainul Hassan informed them that cases would be filed for the killing of police, arson at stations, and looting of arms. He stated that criminal events never expire and promised that cases would be filed for the murder of police and the looting of stations.
On October 12, police arrested three individuals for the murder of police officer Ibrahim during the attack on Sonaimuri Police Station in Noakhali on August 5. The Anti-Discrimination Student Movement, the primary force behind the regime change, reacted sharply to these arrests. They demanded that the interim government ensure the safety of "July Warriors." Consequently, on October 14, the Ministry of Home Affairs issued a directive stating that no case, arrest, or harassment shall be initiated against the students and people who actively worked in the field to make the mass uprising successful. This immunity covered any events related to the uprising occurring between July 15 and August 8. When asked why such immunity was necessary and who would receive it, Youth and Sports Adviser Asif Mahmud Shojib Bhuyain told the media that this would apply to those who participated in the mass movement so that they do not face any harassment.
Following this directive, activists of the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement, known as "Coordinators," became even more reckless. They began making explicit confessions on social media regarding the killing of police and 'the burning of Metro Rail infrastructure. On January 2, 2026, a video from inside the Shayestaganj Police Station in Habiganj went viral. The video showed Mahdi Hasan, a leader of the Habiganj Anti-Discrimination Student Movement, openly threatening Officer-in-Charge Abul Kalam. He claimed they had burned down the Baniyachong Police Station and set S.I. Santosh Chowdhury on fire on August 5. Following widespread public criticism after the video surfaced, police arrested Mahdi Hasan on Saturday afternoon. From that evening, student activists gathered in front of the station to protest, demanding his release. A central protest rally was also held in Dhaka, and the organization issued an ultimatum. The following morning, upon being produced in court, the Habiganj Judicial Magistrate Court granted him bail based on his application.
On January 5, 2026, in a case involving extortion, "July Warrior" Tahrima Jannat (Surovi) was granted bail within five hours of being placed on a two-day remand, which was an unprecedented event. Surovi had been arrested on December 25 on charges of kidnapping for money, intimidation, and social media blackmailing. Hearing that Tahrima would be produced before the court, activists of the Jatiya Chhatra Shakti gathered at the court premises under the banner of "Students-Workers-People." They chanted slogans for her release and threatened a nationwide blockade. After the judge initially granted the remand, activists protested at the courtroom gates, spreading panic throughout the court area. Bashir Ahmed (Opu), convener of the Gazipur district committee of the National Citizen Party’s student wing, stated that Tahrima was active in the movement and was with them, although she was not on their formal committee.
On January 15, 2026, the interim government issued an immunity ordinance titled the "July Mass Uprising Protection and Accountability Determination Ordinance." The approval was given during an advisory council meeting chaired by Chief Adviser Dr. Muhammad Yunus. During a briefing after the meeting, Law Adviser Professor Asif Nazrul told journalists that, participants of the July uprising are granted immunity from criminal liability for actions organized for the purpose of "political resistance." He defined political resistance as activities aimed at restoring a ‘democratic’ governance system by overthrowing a ‘fascist’ government.
During the 18-month rule of Dr. Muhammad Yunus's interim government, a multifaceted storm of terror swept across the country, and legal indemnity was established for crimes. Alongside this, the Chief Adviser and key government figures made provocative statements that encouraged the mob:
1. February 10, 2025: During the inauguration of a ceremony to hand over financial checks to families of victims of the July movement, Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus, gesturing toward the Awami League, said, "They haven't left. You say they are in the government; I say, they are in your village too. You told the government, the government can't do anything. They are in your village, can you do something? Therefore, that fire must come; we will not give them space anywhere."
2. June 26, 2025: During a discussion at the CIRDAP auditorium in the capital, the Chief Adviser’s Press Secretary, Shofiqul Alam, stated, "Mobs are being created due to the failure of journalists from the previous era. Those who were affected during the previous government's tenure are the ones forming mobs. But I won't call it a mob. This is a pressure group."
3. January 18, 2026: At a policy dialog titled "Independence of the Judiciary and the Rule of Law" at the CIRDAP auditorium, the Chief Prosecutor of the International Crimes Tribunal, Tajul Islam, warned that a mindset to question the revolution works behind using the word "mob." He stated that if any quarter attempts to question the revolutionaries by repeatedly using the word "mob" alongside the achievements of the revolution, they should be restrained.
In its report, the Human Rights Culture Foundation (MSF) noted that mob violence emerged as a "dominant and deadly trend" in 2025. The organization stated in its annual human rights report that incidents of "mob justice" and mass beatings tripled in 2025 compared to 2024. The rate of lynchings and killings through organized mob chaos has seen a three-fold increase. In 2024, 126 people were killed in mob-related violence, while in 2025 alone, that number surged to 460. For context, in the preceding 10 years, a total of 792 people were killed in mass beating— an average of 79 deaths per year.
Advocate Saidur Rahman, Chief Executive of the Human Rights Culture Foundation, stated, "There is no initiative from the government to stop mob violence. What steps have they taken to bring an end to this? They [the interim government] lack the initiative because they do not want to stop it." He believes there are two primary reasons for the government's failure to curb mob violence. As he explained, "One reason is that they simply do not want to." There are individuals within this government's advisory council who discourage taking any firm action, the human rights activist claimed. He further alleged that there is a lack of both individual and collective initiative within the interim government's advisory council to address the issue.
On February 2, 2026, Transparency International Bangladesh (TIB) released a research report. According to this report, a total of 600 political violence incidents occurred over the 17 months from July 2024 to December 2025. In 550 of these cases, or 91.7%, there was involvement by the BNP. The research indicated that these conflicts were primarily driven by attempts to seize control of various institutions and sectors following the fall of the Awami League government. The report detailed that these disputes and clashes centered around extortion at transport terminals and stands, as well as the looting of stones in Sylhet. Additionally, conflicts escalated over the control of leases for bridges, markets, ghats, sand quarries, and water bodies, exacerbated by a lack of internal discipline within political parties and a failure to take effective action against their activists.
Data-Driven Report
This data-driven report summarizes the escalating violence and structural anarchy in Bangladesh between July 2024 and February 2026, categorized into waves of terror, security collapses, and economic plunder.
1. Surge in Mob Violence and Lynching
Data from the Human Rights Culture Foundation (MSF) reveals that "mob justice" emerged as a dominant and deadly trend in 2025.
Tripled Fatality Rates: Mob-related killings increased three-fold in 2025 compared to 2024.
Annual Deaths: In 2024, 126 people were killed in mob violence; this number surged to 460 deaths in 2025.
Historical Comparison: For context, the preceding 10 years (pre-2024) saw an average of only 79 deaths per year.
2. Collapse of the Security Apparatus
The fall of the government on August 5, 2024, triggered a near-total breakdown of law enforcement.
Police Station Attacks:450 out of 639 police stations (70%) nationwide were attacked on a single day.
Arms Looting: A total of 5,829 firearms were looted from the police, including 1,147 rifles, 251 SMGs, and 32 LMGs.
Police Casualties: 44 police personnel were killed during the unrest, with 24 deaths occurring on August 5 alone.
Ongoing Attacks: Even under the interim government, 225 attacks on police were recorded between August 2024 and February 2025.
3. Prison Breaches and Criminal Resurgence
Mass Escapes: Riots in 17 prisons led to the escape of 2,000 prisoners, including at least 96 militants or death-row convicts.
Terrorist Releases: Several "top-tier terrorists" and convicted militant leaders (e.g., Mufti Jashimuddin Rahmani) were released on bail and returned to criminal networks.
4. Economic Plunder and Resource Looting
The anarchy extended beyond political targets to large-scale resource theft.
Stone Quarry Looting: In the ten months following August 5, stone worth 20 billion BDT was looted from Sylhet’s quarries. This scale of looting in 10 months surpassed the total of the previous 15 years.
Forestry and Fisheries: All 23 bamboo groves in Moulvibazar were looted indiscriminately. In Sunamganj, fish worth millions of taka were plundered from at least 10 major water bodies.
5. Political Violence and Institutional Control
Research from Transparency International Bangladesh (TIB) highlights the drivers of the "Terrorized Scenario".
Incident Count:600 political violence incidents occurred between July 2024 and December 2025.
Party Involvement: TIB reported that 91.7% (550 cases) of these incidents involved the BNP, primarily centered on seizing control of transport stands, markets, and quarries.
6. Institutionalization of Impunity
Legal Indemnity: On January 15, 2026, the interim government issued an ordinance granting immunity from criminal liability to participants of the uprising for acts of "political resistance".
Chapter II
Rising Violence against Women and Curtailing Rights
Women played an epoch-making role in the July-August 2024 student movement in Bangladesh. From the streets and university campuses to social media platforms, female students and teachers were predominantly active participants everywhere. They were optimistic about gaining greater rights, equality, and security. However, following the fall of the Awami League government on August 5, 2024, the reality turned out to be quite the opposite. Women, both those who participated in the movement and the general public, became victims of multifaceted aggression. From physical assaults and moral policing to the shrinking of job opportunities, removal from decision-making roles, and a rising rate of rape, women faced a renewed sense of helplessness in every sphere.
The Situation of Women from Minority Communities
From the afternoon of August 5, attacks were launched on the houses, businesses, and religious establishments of minority communities throughout the country. Along with vandalism, looting, and arson, incidents of physical assault also occurred. In many cases, women were subjected to violence during these attacks.
In the Barbariya area of Gangutia Union in Dhamrai, Dhaka, a group of 100 to 150 people marched and attacked the home of local resident Meena Rani Das. Recalling the incident, Meena Rani Das said, "Suddenly, 100 to 150 people arrived and started vandalizing everything. I stayed quiet in another room out of fear. They used a lot of abusive language."
In the Bejpara area of Jessore city, attackers looted Lakshmi Rani's sewing machine, cooking stove, gas cylinder, and the jewelry of her brother's newlywed wife kept in the wardrobe.
In Meherpur, an attack and looting took place at Lina Bhattacharya’s house on Rabindranath Road in the Hotel Bazar area. Four persons present in the house were brutally beaten. Lina Bhattacharya said, "10 to 12 boys broke the lock of the main gate and went to the second floor to beat us. Later, they opened the wardrobes and took away gold jewelry and valuable items. Before leaving, they set fire to the furniture in the house."
In the Bagat Bazar area of Bagat Union in Madhukhali Upazila, Faridpur district, a clothing store belonging to a woman entrepreneur, Archana Basu, was turned to ashes.
In Piyarpur village of Mohanpur Upazila, Rajshahi, when an attack occurred in the Paharia community neighborhood, an indigenous woman named Surji Rani saved her life along with her daughter and husband by jumping into the river.
During the communal violence, at least four minority women, including one with speech impairment, were victims of rape. This information was shared in a press conference organized by the Bangladesh Hindu Buddhist Christian Unity Council on September 19, 2024.
A one-minute ultimatum was given. If the door was not opened within that time, it would be broken down. As soon as the minute passed, an attack was launched, the door was broken, and two women—Aklima Khatun alias Shapla and Sharmin Akter were dragged out. They were tied to an electric pole on a public road and subjected to torture. This incident took place on August 28, 2024, in the Assam Colony area of Rajshahi city. Allegations of the attack were made against a local family and a group of students identifying themselves as activists of the student movement.
Women Beaten on the Streets of Dhaka
On a sidewalk, a man carrying a green rod was seen walking along, chasing and beating women one after another. Initially, this appeared to be the act of a "madman," but that confusion was cleared when the individual posted a video of his actions on social media. In the video, he labeled the women as "sex workers," "child traffickers," and "muggers."
Harassment of Women at Cox's Bazar Beach
September 13, 2024. Since morning, several videos showing the beating, forced squats, and harassment of two young women at the beach spread across the social media platform Facebook. In one video, a young woman is seen being forced to do squat while holding her ears. She is surrounded by several young men. Most of them were recording the beating on their mobile phones. The woman was being beaten with a stick and told to leave the beach. In another video clip, four young men are seen surrounding a young woman sitting on a beach chair. Initially, the men ask for her identity and why she is at the beach alone so late at night. When the woman replies that she is there for a visit, the men force her to leave, accusing her of ruining the social environment of the beach.
In another video clip, a crowd of curious people is seen surrounding another young woman. Among the crowd, a few young men are standing with sticks in their hands. One of them, gesturing with a stick, orders the woman to squat while holding her ears. Out of fear, the woman begins doing the squats. Meanwhile, the surrounding crowd hurls obscene language and insults at her.
Another video clip shows a young woman in tears, telling a man in plain clothes, "He (the man with the stick) snatched my phone. Please return the phone. If necessary, I will delete everything on the mobile."
When the videos sparked an intense nationwide reaction, the police became active and detained a young man named Mohammad Farukul Islam (23). Local businessmen stated that Farukul Islam and several other young men had been carrying out various activities at the beach for some time, claiming to be coordinators of the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement. Before the incident, Farukul Islam posted on his Facebook page, writing, "Today, after office hours, I will start again against indecency, Insha-Allah."
Attack on Mountaineer Shayla Bithi
On the afternoon of September 21, mountaineer Shayla Bithi was attacked by a group of miscreants while crossing a road in Dhanmondi, the capital. In a post shared on the social media platform Facebook, her husband, Taimur Faruk Tushar, stated, "Mountaineer Shayla Bithi was crossing the over bridge on Dhanmondi Road 27. The attackers came from behind, grabbed and pulled her by the hair, and began beating her mercilessly. Her lips were split in the attack. There are numerous injury marks all over her body." Later, Shayla Bithi told the media, "This attack may have happened because of my clothing or my husband's involvement in politics."
Attempt to Mandate Hijabs for Hindu Students
Hindu students at Moslem Uddin Girls' High School in the Daspara area of Rangpur city held a protest over allegations of an attempt to make wearing the hijab mandatory for them. On the afternoon of September 25, the Hindu students protested, demanding the resignation and punishment of the headmaster and two other accused teachers. Their guardians were also present during this time. Videos of this protest spread on social media.
Once the matter became viral, members of the law enforcement agencies, including the Army, and the President of the School governing body, Additional District Magistrate (Education and ICT) Rezaul Karim, arrived at the scene. In the wake of this protest, an investigation committee was formed by the District Commissioner, and the school's headmaster, Mofizur Rahman, and religious studies teacher, Mostafizar Rahman, were temporarily suspended.
‘Where Shall We Go for Justice?'
In light of the recent attacks, insults, and even incidents of kidnapping and rape against women in various places across Bangladesh, including the capital Dhaka, since August 5, the President of the Bangladesh Mahila Parishad, Dr. Fauzia Moslem, told the media, "So many incidents are occurring, yet we do not see any action being taken. This is certainly a cause for concern. Many incidents are not even reaching the media. Women are being abducted at night and returned in the morning. They are being forcibly converted. Can it be believed that a woman over sixty, who came to Dhaka in hopes of relief aid, is being gang-raped in a place like a university? Previously, the police used to take some action. Now, even the police are not active. As a result, where shall we go for justice? We have already held human chains, and it seems we will have to hold human chains every day and every single moment. We are extremely outraged by these incidents."
Suffering of Showbiz Stars
Many Bangladeshi showbiz stars who were opposed to the Awami League were active on the streets and social media during July and August. After the fall of the government on August 5, many expressed their joy. However, in the post- August 5 situation, it is observed that they themselves have become victims of professional hardship.
On November 3, 2024, popular actress Mehazabien Chowdhury was scheduled to inaugurate a brand shop named "Khuki Lifestyle" on RS Road in the Reazuddin Bazar area of Chittagong city. Earlier, on October 29, Mehazabien Chowdhury, a daughter of Chittagong, had posted a video message on her verified Facebook page announcing the showroom's inauguration. She had invited her fans to attend the event. However, the "The traders and Tawhidi Janata of Reazuddin Bazar" warned of resistance if the decision to have the actress inaugurate the showroom was not withdrawn. This banner was shared by various traders on their Facebook timelines. It read, "We strongly condemn and protest the decision to inaugurate the Khuki Lifestyle showroom with actress Mehazabien Chowdhury. If the showroom authorities do not backtrack from this decision, the traders and Tawhidi Janata will build strong resistance." It is reported that despite reaching Chittagong after learning of these developments, Mehazabien did not go to the showroom inauguration. Imdad Hossain, the manager of the Khuki Lifestyle showroom, said, "Our showroom was supposed to be inaugurated by actress Mehazabien. Preparations were made accordingly. But she could not come due to political problems. We held the inauguration ceremony without her. I cannot say anything more than this."
The day after this incident, actress Shabnam Faria came into the spotlight with a Facebook post. Expressing her frustration, Faria wrote, "I spoke so loudly about many things! I fought a lot with friends, and they said 'just wait and see!' I am seeing it! Even if I am frustrated, I cannot say I am frustrated, and that is the biggest frustration!" On the other hand, actress Rukaiya Jahan Chamak wrote on her verified Facebook account, "Only those who have moved from one toxic relationship to an even more extreme toxic relationship can truly relate to the emergence of another giant right after escaping the clutches of one monster. May Allah protect us." This post by Chamak, who was very active in the July movement, also put the actress in trouble due to comments from netizens. Mocking comments flooded her post. One commented, "Red revolutionary!! Many more things are waiting for the world of art, literature, and culture; the people of this sector will realize it slowly." Another wrote, "How are you enjoying the new red freedom?" Some wrote, "How is the taste of freedom, sister?"
The obstruction of Mehazabien Chowdhury was not the end, but rather the beginning of this trend.
On January 25, 2025, actress Pori Moni was scheduled to be present at the inauguration of the "Harlan Store" cosmetics shop at the Tin Market in Elenga, Tangail. However, in the face of objections from the Tangail and Kalihati branches of the National Olama Mashayekh Aikka Parishad and
Hefazat-e-Islam Bangladesh, Pori Moni ultimately did not attend the event. The owner of the establishment, Mir Masud Rana, stated, "Actress Pori Moni was supposed to inaugurate the showroom this Saturday. Permission from the administration was taken for this. Promotion had been going on for several days. Last Thursday night, a person named Shariful Islam first called and said they would not allow the event to happen if Pori Moni was brought. After the Fajr prayer on Friday, 30 to 40 people, including Mufti Sulaiman and Mufti Suruzzaman, called and threatened that Pori Moni would not be allowed to come. They also made indecent remarks about Pori Moni. After the Jummah prayer on Friday, they announced a protest and a sit-in program in front of the showroom. Later, I was forced to decide to postpone the event. Even then, many people had come to see Pori Moni."
On January 28, 2025, actress Apu Biswas was supposed to be the chief guest at the inauguration of a restaurant named "Sonar Thala" in Kamrangirchar, Dhaka. But local worshippers raised objections. Upon learning of the matter, they organized themselves. They filed a complaint at the Kamrangirchar Police Station. Finally, with the intervention of the police, the inauguration was completed without Apu Biswas's presence. Some of the worshippers released a video. There, one person, highlighting the complaint, said, "An initiative was taken to inaugurate by bringing Apu Biswas. After learning this, the worshippers and the public became enraged. We came to the administration. We said that it would not be right at all to organize such a program by bringing an actress or dancer to this Kamrangirchar. The people of the country are becoming agitated by such arrangements. Many Ulama-e-Keram from local madrasas came and filed complaints. For this reason, we demanded to the OC (Officer-in-Charge) that Apu Biswas must not be allowed to come."
Female Journalist Barred from the Event of Adviser for Religious Affairs
On January 29, 2025, Adviser for Religious Affairs Dr. A.F.M. Khalid Hossain attended an event titled 'Qawmi Entrepreneur Conference 2025' as the chief guest at the Bangabandhu International Conference Center (China- Friendship Conference Center) in Agargaon, Dhaka. Amy Jannat, a journalist working for UNB, a private news agency in Bangladesh, triggered a wave of discussion and criticism after posting about the incident on the social media platform Facebook. Journalist Jannat told the media that she went to the conference center to collect news. However, the security personnel there barred her from entering, stating that women were not permitted inside.
The following day, the organizing group, a Facebook-based community called 'Qawmi Entrepreneur,' issued a press statement expressing 'regret' over the incident. The statement said, "The chief guest of the event, the Adviser for Religious Affairs, is in no way responsible for such an incident. Imposing responsibility on the Adviser for such an occurrence is unexpected and unfortunate." Later, during a press conference at the Ministry of Religious Affairs in the Secretariat, Adviser A.F.M. Khalid Hossain cited this statement and remarked that 'there is no room for controversy' regarding the matter.
Women's Football Obstructed
January 29, 2025. In the Akkelpur upazila of Joypurhat, an inter-district football tournament was organized about one and a half months ago at the Tilakpur High School grounds by the local T-Star Club. For every match of the tournament, tickets were priced at 30 Taka for sitting on the ground and 70 Taka for sitting on chairs. The football teams of Parbatipur and Joypurhat reached the tournament final. Before the final match, the organizers announced a friendly match between the women's football teams of Joypurhat and Rangpur. The president of T-Star Club is Samiul Hasan (Imon), the newly elected organizational secretary of the sub-district BNP. In the afternoon on the day before the match, a group of worshippers and madrasa students vandalized the fencing of the playing field. The scenes of vandalism were broadcast live on the social media platform Facebook. Following that incident, the organizers canceled the friendly women's football match due to security risks.
On the same day, a clash occurred between the organizing committee and the "Tawhidi Janata" regarding the organization of a women's football match in Hakimpur, Dinajpur. At least 20 people from both sides were injured, including several women. In the afternoon, the local Baona Student Welfare Cooperative Society organized a friendly women's football match at the Baona field. The Dinajpur District Women's Football Academy and the Rangpur Divisional Women's Team were scheduled to participate. The organizers had used loudspeakers in the area to promote the match. Upon hearing that female footballers would be playing, counter-announcements were broadcast via loudspeakers from morning onward in Baona and neighboring villages under the banner of "Tawhidi Janata" to stop the match. The conflicting announcements caused tension in the area from the morning. When the game began at 3 PM, some people under the banner of Tawhidi Janata obstructed it, leading to a clash with the organizing committee. At least 20 people were injured, and several of the injured are receiving treatment at a local hospital.
On February 6, at 3 PM, an inter-district women's football tournament was scheduled to begin at the Burirhat High School grounds in Sayar Union of Taraganj sub-district, Rangpur. On the first day, a match was supposed to take place between the women's football teams of Joypurhat district and Rajshahi district. However, Ashraf Ali, the Taraganj sub-district president of Islami Andolan, suddenly announced the closure of the women's football game. When leaders and activists of Islami Andolan entered a standoff with the organizers over this issue, the local administration imposed Section 144 at the Burirhat High School grounds at 2 PM, fearing a deterioration of law and order. As a result, the women's football match was stopped.
Mob Violence and Harassment against Women over Smoking Allegations
On the evening of March 1, 2025, two young women were sitting at a tea stall at the corner of a field in the alley next to the Lalmatia Aarong, drinking tea and smoking. At that time, a man passing by objected to their smoking and ordered the shop to close. This led to an argument between the man and the two women. At one point, one of them threw tea at the man. However, the women told the police that they threw the tea in anger because the man had used obscene language toward them. Subsequently, when the man began gathering more people, the two women tried to leave. But as a crowd surrounded them, the man and the gathered individuals physically assaulted the two women. Upon receiving the news, the police went to the scene, rescued them, and took them to Mohammadpur Police Station.
One of the women wrote a description of the entire incident on Facebook but later deactivated her account. In her post, she described the beating and verbal abuse. She wrote that a mob had gathered and, at one point, trapped them inside a gate. During these events, one of them was physically struck, and when the other stepped forward to save her, she was also harassed. They also alleged that their clothes were pulled during the scuffle. Meanwhile, upon hearing the news, several acquaintances of the women arrived at the scene, and the police also appeared. When they were taken to Mohammadpur Police Station, people from both sides gathered there. After several hours of discussion and debate, the police claimed that a settlement was reached between the two parties. The two women were later released into the custody of their families.
Questions have been raised regarding whether it is illegal for women to smoke. Amidst such discussions, Home Affairs Adviser Md. Jahangir Alam Chowdhury commented, "Smoking cigarettes in open places is prohibited for both men and women." Many raised the question of whether the Home Affairs Adviser was indulging mob disorder or mob crime with such a statement. A group of protesters under the banner 'Bangladesh Against Rape and Oppression' held a demonstration at the scene and burned an effigy of the Home Affairs Adviser. Additionally, the Home Affairs Adviser's comments faced intense criticism on social media.
Demands were made for the punishment of those involved, labeling the physical assault of the two women in Lalmatia as a "mob crime." Supreme Court lawyer and human rights activist Jyotirmoy Barua told the media that the tea stall where the women were located was at a corner of a field and was not a public space. He added, "Even then, if someone had a complaint, that person could have called 999 to inform the police. Instead of doing that, they attacked the young women. The police should have arrested the attackers."
Perpetrator of Woman Freed; Welcomed with Holy Quran, Turban, and Garlands
On March 5, 2025, a female student of Dhaka University was harassed over her clothing. On Wednesday afternoon, the student was walking from the front of the National Museum toward the university campus. When she reached the Raju Sculpture, a young man stopped her and questioned why she was not practicing "Parda" (veiling). He subjected her to sexual harassment by making vulgar remarks, including comments about her "scarf not being right."
When the student attempted to call the Proctor, the young man fled. Later, the student posted about the incident on
Facebook along with his photograph. From the photo, he was identified as Mostafa Asif Arnab, an assistant bookbinder at the university library. Arnab was summoned to the Proctor’s office. Following Proctor's advice, the student filed a case, and Arnab was handed over to the Shahbagh Police Station.
Meanwhile, as news of the arrest spread, a group of people identifying themselves as "Tawhidi Janata" entered the police station to secure his release. They took a photo of the First Information Report (FIR) from the police and circulated it on Facebook. It contained the student's name, address, and identity. In one of the videos of the police station that surfaced on Facebook, individuals claiming to be "Tawhidi Janata" were heard saying in angry tones that a theft case must be filed against the female complainant. At one point, they entered the station lockup and broadcast an interview with the accused, where Arnab claimed to be innocent.
A Facebook page named "Movement for Non- Discriminatory Prison Release" wrote, "If there are any Tawhidists near Shahbagh or DU, everyone must go to Shahbagh Police Station quickly. A Muslim has been arrested at the provocation of the Shahbaghis. We are coming, you come too. We will not let him be taken to court under any circumstances, Insha-Allah." Those claiming to be "Tawhidi Janata" surrounded the police station throughout the night and until the following morning. Under these circumstances, when the accused was sent to court, the court granted bail to Mostafa Asif Arnab. After his release on bail, the "Tawhidi Janata" supporting him welcomed him by placing the holy scripture of Muslims, the Quran, in his hands and putting a turban on his head and a garland around his neck. They also demanded the permanent withdrawal of the case against Arnab.
Later, around 2:00 PM, Dhaka University Proctor Saifuddin Ahmed told the media that the decision had been made to withdraw the case against Mr. Arnab. Citing the pressure from "Tawhidi Janata" as the reason for withdrawing the case, he stated that a "settlement has been reached between the plaintiff and the defendant" and that they had to consider the "security" of the complainant girl. He added, "In order to resolve the unrest created around the police station, such a decision was made through the mediation of the plaintiff and the defendant, the police station, and our proctorial team." He further mentioned that as a condition for withdrawing the case, the individual must provide a written undertaking (Muchleka) stating that he will be held responsible if the plaintiff's security is at risk. "Because we have to look after the girl's security," said the Proctor.
Media personnel called multiple officials of Shahbagh Police Station and the Ramna Zone several times throughout the day to ask how those individuals identifying as "Tawhidi Janata" entered the station, obtained the complainant's identity, and why they could not be removed from the scene, but no one answered the calls.
Reacting to this incident, Dr. Rezwana Karim Snigdha, an Associate Professor at Jahangirnagar University, said that what is happening to women is a form of moral policing and "the Home Affairs Adviser is continuously giving consent to it." She said, "It is the government's responsibility to ensure the security of the people and of women. Instead of doing that, agreeing with the mob creators, not obstructing them, and not giving any statement for or against this indicates that they are failing to provide security. And so that we cannot even speak out against injustice, they are consenting to it through silence. This is frustrating."
A Separate Board to Determine Women's Clothing?
On March 13 (2025), during an episode of the talk show "Khaled Muhieddin at Thikana," Samantha Sharmin, the Senior Joint Convener of the National Citizen Party (NCP), was asked about the NCP's position on women's freedom of dress and gender equality. Instead of providing a direct answer, she began to engage in completely nonsensical or rambling discourse regarding clothing. In her view, the solution to this problem is to form a national committee comprising biologists, anthropologists, and designers to reach a national consensus on how people should dress!
On July 21, a directive issued by the Human Resources Department of Bangladesh Bank instructed female officers and employees to wear sarees, salwar-kameez, dupattas, and other professional, modest attire. They were asked to avoid short-sleeved and short-length dresses, as well as leggings. The directive suggested wearing formal sandals or shoes and simple headscarves or hijabs. Regarding men's clothing, long or short-sleeved formal shirts and formal trousers were prescribed, while jeans and gabardine pants were to be avoided. It stated that failure to follow the instructions would result in disciplinary charges against the officers and employees.
When asked about this directive, Arif Hossain Khan, Executive Director and spokesperson of Bangladesh Bank, told the media that the instruction was given with the goal that everyone in an institution should wear a similar type of clothing. When asked if anyone at Bangladesh Bank wore "indecent" clothing before this directive, Arif Hossain Khan replied, "No, no one did." To the question of why such a directive became necessary then, he said that batches of 200 to 250 young people freshly graduated from universities are currently joining Bangladesh Bank. Among them, a tendency to behave as if they are still at university is observed. After monitoring this situation for some time, the instructions on what to wear were provided. He noted that this directive applies only to the office, and individuals can wear any clothing in their personal lives.
However, after the circular was published in the media before its formal issuance, the directive was withdrawn in the face of controversy. Yet, many are unwilling to accept the act of focusing on clothing while ignoring larger economic crises as "innocent." Rasheda Rawnak Khan, an Associate Professor of Anthropology at Dhaka University, considers the decision to issue such a directive as "moral policing." In her view, the items mentioned regarding clothing do not fall under any standard dress code. Rather, she believes that "invisible forces are working somewhere, attempting to gradually impose an ideology that is not leading toward anything good."
Professor Sayeed Ferdous, Pro-Vice Chancellor of Bangladesh Open University, believes that the rise of right- wing politics and ideology seen recently, especially after the August 5 uprising, makes the clothing issue a "monument" of that shift. He commented, "They want to establish the signs, markers, and symbols of their politics and ideology. This is one sample of that. This time they might have backed down, but such attempts will be made in the future."
Claiming Women's "Hissya," Religious Defamation, and Professional Humiliation
Nadira Yasmin, an Assistant Professor in the Bengali Department of Narsingdi Government College, has been teaching at the college for nearly 11 years. Her home is also in Narsingdi. She has long been active as a women's rights activist and runs an organization called "Nari Angan," which also has a web portal of the same name. Recently, she wrote an article on women's rights in a magazine titled "Hissya" (Share). Regarding the content of the article, Nadira Yasmin told the media, "I spoke about equal rights for men and women there. That is my crime." Following that piece, local extremists started a campaign on social media demanding her punishment based on allegations of religious defamation. Demands for Nadira Yasmin's dismissal were made during a procession by Hefazat-e-Islam. They also submitted a memorandum to the District Commissioner. The Ministry of Education became active quickly. Initially, Nadira was made an Officer on Special Duty (OSD) and then transferred to Satkhira Government College by the Ministry. However, Hefazat-e-Islam announced that Nadira Islam would not be allowed to join Satkhira College either. Maulana Ismail Hossain Nurpuri, General Secretary of the Narsingdi District branch of Hefazat, said, "Simply transferring her will not do. We have demanded her removal from the job. She must be given a greater punishment." When asked if claiming a woman's share in a piece of writing constitutes religious defamation, Maulana Ismail Hossain Nurpuri stated, "Speaking of 'equal shares for men and women' goes against the Holy Quran. The Quran does not mention equal division of property. A girl will receive half of what a boy receives." When asked how expressing an opinion or speaking about one's rights constitutes religious defamation, he provided no proper answer and instead said, "We will also take a stand against others in this country who are saying such things."
Woman Kicked During Political Program
At least 15 people were injured in an attack on a program organized by the Democratic Student Alliance in front of the Chittagong Press Club. In a video that went viral on social media, a young man is seen kicking a woman. The Student Alliance blamed activists of an organization named "Anti-Shahbagh Movement" for the attack, who they claim are associated with Islami Chhatra Shibir.
The Democratic Student Alliance organized this program on the afternoon of May 28 in front of the Chittagong Press Club to protest the release of Jamaat leader A.T.M. Azharul Islam and the attack on Student Alliance activists in
Rajshahi. Leaders and activists of the organization alleged that the attack on them was carried out in a pre-planned manner. The young man seen in the video harassing the female student has been identified as Akash Chowdhury. His home is in the Satkania sub-district of Chittagong. The Democratic Student Alliance claimed that Akash is an active worker of Chhatra Shibir. However, Chhatra Shibir stated that although Akash was previously associated with their organization, he currently has no involvement. Several photos have also circulated on social media regarding this incident, where Akash is seen with the Emir of Chittagong City Jamaat, Shahjahan Chowdhury.
When Begum Rokeya is the 'Criminal'
A student of Shamsun Nahar Hall at Dhaka University covered the eyes and mouth of a graffiti of Begum Rokeya, known as the "pioneer of Bengali Muslim women's awakening," using black spray paint on the wall in front of the dormitory. When this incident came to light on the afternoon of November 19 (2024), many on the social media platform Facebook criticized it intensely. The very next day, students of the hall brought the matter to the attention of the Hall Provost, who then summoned the female student, a master's level enrollee. At one stage of the proceedings, the student apologized for her actions both verbally and in writing, promising to restore the graffiti to its original state within 24 hours. Ultimately, however, she did not need to fix it herself, as students from the Faculty of Fine Arts at Dhaka University restored it before the deadline.
Nasrin Sultana, Provost of Shamsun Nahar Hall, told the media that the girl had sprayed black paint on two images, one of which was Begum Rokeya. Initially, the girl herself commented on a Facebook post stating that she was the one who applied the black paint. As a reason, she stated, "Because of the faces in the pictures, there is a bit of a problem performing prayers from the balcony." Later, when everyone questioned her on that post, she stated a second time, "Those faces used to irritate me when I went to the balcony. Therefore, I tried to blur them."
Dr. Zobaida Nasreen, a teacher at Dhaka University, believes there is a lot of significance behind smearing ink on Begum Rokeya's graffiti. First, it is an image of a woman. Second, it is an expression of hatred toward Begum Rokeya because she made a major contribution to women's education, women's intellectual world, women's freedom, and women's individuality. Defining this as "hateful courage," she further added that smearing ink in this manner signifies an attempt to erase the entire history of women's awakening. She noted that since August 5,
"breaking various sculptures, attacks on shrines, harassment of Bauls, and violence against women... have been ongoing. I myself have personally been a victim of this."
Dr. Rezwana Karim Snigdha, Associate Professor of Anthropology at Jahangirnagar University (JU) and a social analyst, added further points to this discussion. In her view, "This girl did not suddenly do this in one day. This psychology was built within her. For example, hate speech against women is continuously used in religious sermons (Waz). Begum Rokeya's name has also appeared many times there, even in the sermons of those who are very established. When such hate speech is created, it spreads among the public." Like Professor Zobaida Nasreen, Professor Rezwana Karim also believes these incidents have increased since August 5. "The current government is not elected. Security is now very fragile. I feel that specific groups are making the maximum use of this weak spot."
A few days before this incident, a group of students at Begum Rokeya University, Rangpur (BRUR), demanded that the university's name be changed to "Rangpur University." They collected mass signatures on a memorandum regarding this and submitted it to the Education Adviser. Later, at a press conference on February 10 (2025), it was announced that if the university's founding name was not changed to "Rangpur University" within the next 7 working days, all university activities would be shut down through a "shutdown program." Rahmat Ali and Shamsur Rahman Suman, Member Secretary of the Anti- Discrimination Student Movement (City) and students of the university, made this announcement at the press conference.
December 9, the birth and death anniversary of Begum Rokeya, is observed as a National Day in Bangladesh. The day is celebrated in various schools, colleges, and universities across Bangladesh through government initiatives. On this day, the Government of Bangladesh presents the Begum Rokeya Padak (Award) to women who have contributed to various fields. On this day in 2025, Khondoker Muhammad Mahmudul Hassan, a teacher at Rajshahi University, labeled Begum Rokeya an "apostate infidel" (Murtad Kafir). He is an Associate Professor in the Department of Physics. Sharing a post on his Facebook account, he wrote, "Today is the birthday of the apostate infidel Begum Rokeya." The post he shared from a Facebook ID named Sajid Hasan essentially highlighted fragmented parts related to Islam from Begum Rokeya's writings. This status triggered discussions and criticism across the campus.
Masud Rana, a former student of the Law Department, wrote, "How can such a person be a teacher at a university?" When Associate Professor Khondoker Muhammad Mahmudul Hassan was contacted regarding this, he told journalists, "The post in whose caption I wrote this contains all the detailed explanations. If you want to verify the truth of my statement, you can ask any good Islamic scholar."
Professor Mohammad Main Uddin, Pro-Vice Chancellor of the university, told the media, "Many people write many things on Facebook. This is his personal opinion. The current administration does not support such statements. If anyone files a formal complaint, we will investigate and take action."
Aside from this incident, the promotion of hatred and slander against Begum Rokeya by extremists continues strongly on social media throughout the year.
Statistical Report on Rape and Femicide
From July 2024, the police force and police stations became preoccupied with tackling the movement. Following the deaths of six people on July 16, attacks on police stations began. On July 19 and 20, three police members were killed. After the fall of the Awami League government on August 5, 450 police stations across the country were looted and set on fire. According to government sources, 44 police officers were killed during this period.
As the country's law and order structure collapsed and extreme anarchy ensued, various types of crimes became rampant. Consequently, sexual violence against women, rape, and femicide increased alarmingly. The rate of seeking assistance from law enforcement for security or approaching the police for legal remedy dropped to a critical level.
Analysis of data provided by Police Headquarters shows that in normal times, such as May and June 2024, the average number of accused individuals in cases of violence against women was about 3,000 per month, with an average of nearly 1,000 arrests. This rate was maintained even in July. However, in August, the number of accused dropped to 2,200, and arrests plummeted to only 500. In September, although the number of accused increased to almost 3,000, the number of arrests remained stagnant at around 600, reflecting the continued decline of law and order.
In other words, with the change in government, the number of arrests of those accused of violence against women began to decrease. It is easily inferable that this occurred due to nationwide anarchy and the fragile state of the law enforcing agencies. Furthermore, as the number of arrests decreased, women became even greater victims of violence.
On August 9 (2024), there were six accused in the gang rape of two young women in South Keraniganj, near the capital. Local residents identified and detained one of them before handing him over to the police station. The remaining suspects remained "fugitives" in police records. On September 7, a 65-year-old woman was a victim of gang rape in the capital's Suhrawardy Udyan. She had come to Dhaka with several other women in hopes of receiving relief aid. She was resting in the park at the time of the incident. In that case, the accused were listed as several unidentified individuals. No suspects were identified, and consequently, no one was arrested. On September 14, in Satkhira, an intellectually disabled woman named Rozina Sultana Chumki was beaten to death with a hammer because she was playing music loudly while passing in front of a man's house.
According to information published in various media outlets and collected by the Foundation for Human Rights Culture (MSF), 208 incidents of violence against women and children occurred in September, the month following the change in government. This figure is 70 higher than the previous month. This month saw 35 incidents of rape, 11 incidents of gang rape, and 2 incidents of rape followed by murder. Among the victims were 5 children and adolescent girls with disabilities. The number of murders this month was higher than in previous months, with 49 women being killed.
According to sources at Police Headquarters, 774 cases of rape and 1,833 other cases of violence against women were filed across the country in the two months of September and October.
On October 22, female students held a protest rally and torch procession in front of the Raju Sculpture at Dhaka University, demanding security for women and speedy trials for abuse and rape. At the rally, Ruposhi Chakma, a member of the Hill Women's Federation, stated that since the fall of Sheikh Hasina's government, three rape incidents had occurred in the three districts of the Chittagong Hill Tracts. Many incidents remain unnoticed. Nujia Hasin Rasha, president of the Dhaka University branch of Biplobi Chhatra Maitree, said that there is no news in the media regarding the rape of a rickshaw puller's daughter in Banani. She questioned why the government is not bearing the medical expenses for this rape victim. From the protest rally, students announced a 13-point demand. These included ensuring justice for the rape of a 9-year-old child in
Banani, the rape of a teenage girl in Bandarban, and previous cases such as Tonu (Sohagi Jahan) and Munia (Mosarat Jahan); the state bearing the medical costs for rape victims; ensuring that law enforcement cannot pressure victims into "settlements" when filing rape and harassment cases; disposing of women and children repression cases within 180 days; ensuring equal inheritance rights for all genders regardless of religion, tribe, or caste; changing child guardianship laws; and forming special units to respond to cases of female harassment and rape in the shortest possible time.
On the night of December 14, a child named Mahi from Gournadi, Barishal, went missing after going to watch a wedding ceremony at a neighbor's house. Ten days after her disappearance, a neighboring woman saw Mahi's body floating in the pond of their house. After the police arrested three suspects, the confession of one revealed that four young men had strangled 10-year-old Mahi to death after raping her.
On December 16, a teenage girl who was a victim of kidnapping, rape, and torture died in Nandail, Mymensingh. After her abduction, she was held in an area of Narayanganj for two months, where she was raped and tortured, resulting in a severe injury to her right eye. The kidnapper then abandoned her on the road near her home.
On December 26, Basana Mallik, a female member of the reserved wards 1, 2, and 3 of Maijpara Union in Narail Sadar, passed away. On the morning of December 24, after finishing the distribution of TCB goods, she went to collect some owed money following a phone call from a local youth named Rajibul. At the house of Moktar Mollya in Daulatpur village of Maijpara Union, Rajibul, along with Faruk, Chanchal, and Shafiqul, gang raped her, recorded the act on video, and demanded a ransom of two lakh Taka. Later, poison was poured down her throat. Upon returning home, she told no one out of fear. However, when she fell ill, she was admitted to Jessore General Hospital. Before her death, Basana Mallik described the torture and named those involved to her son, Rinku Mallik.
2025: A Year of Horror
In the last week of January, eight severed parts of a human body, including hands and legs, were found in a large pond (dighi), an adjacent pond, and surrounding areas in Ichakati, Kashipur, Barishal city. Based on the severed hand found last, it was suspected that these belonged to a female body. Police believe that after murdering a woman, the body was cut into pieces and dumped in various locations. However, because the head and torso were not recovered, law enforcement agencies could not identify the victim.
On February 17, around 1:00 AM, a robbery occurred on a moving bus named Unique Road Royals (Mymensingh-B 11-0061) traveling from Chandura in Gazipur district to the Mirzapur area of Tangail. In addition to the looting of belongings, two female passengers were victims of rape.
At the beginning of March, the incident of a child named Achia, who died after being raped, shook the entire country. Eight-year-old Achia, who had gone to visit her sister's house, was raped by her sister's father-in-law. When the child fell ill, she was taken to various hospitals before finally being brought to the Combined Military Hospital in Dhaka. The child passed away there on March 13.
In Barguna, the daughter of Montu Das, a seventh grade student, was kidnapped and raped while on her way to school. Montu filed a case at Barguna Sadar Police Station on March 5. Later that day, the police arrested the sole accused in the case, Srijib Chandra Roy, and the court sent him to jail. Six days later, Montu Das's dead body was recovered from a bush behind his house.
At the end of June, in Tajumuddin sub-district of the coastal district Bhola, a woman was gang raped while her husband was held captive. The victim stated that her husband was detained and tortured for money after being called to a location, where she was then raped. "I fell at their feet and said, brothers, please do not do this to me. I am like your younger sister. But they did not listen. They oppressed me. After this happening, I had no desire to live. I tried to commit suicide twice but I could not." Following this incident, the woman's husband filed a rape case against several individuals, including a BNP activist.
On the night of June 26, another incident of violence against a woman in Muradnagar, Comilla, once again stirred the nation. A woman from a minority community went to visit her father's house, where she was initially harassed. Later, around 8:00 PM, the harasser entered the house and raped her. At one point, the rapist, Fajar Ali, was caught and beaten by locals but managed to flee. Some individuals present at the scene immediately recorded a video of the victim in an unclothed state and spread it on social media. After the incident, the victim's family tried to leave the area. Protest rallies and marches were held in several places, including Dhaka University. Various human rights organizations issued statements strongly condemning the incident and demanding punishment for those involved.
In addition to rape incidents, reports of recovering "unidentified" female bodies from various parts of the country continued to appear in the media. On April 14, police recovered the body of an unidentified woman from a field near the Acharya Para crematorium in Ward No. 2 of Baralia Union, Patiya sub-district, Chittagong. On May 19, the naval police recovered the floating body of an unidentified woman from the Gorai River in Khoksa, Kushtia. On the afternoon of June 4, police recovered the headless, bagged body of an unidentified woman from under the Bailey Bridge in the Mama-Bhagne area of Char Banipakuria Union, Melandah sub-district, Jamalpur. Both of the woman's wrists were also found severed. On June 27, police recovered the floating body of an unidentified woman from a river near the zero line of the Raumari border in Kurigram. The body was recovered in the presence of the BGB from the Halhalia River near the border in the East Italukanda area of Dantbhanga Union.
Immediately after the incident, Lucky Bachar, the convener of the Human Rights Congress for Bangladesh Minorities, went to meet the family in Muradnagar, Comilla. She told the media that according to their calculations from various newspaper reports, at least 12 allegations of rape had come from Comilla between March and June of this year. Furthermore, they are preparing to file a writ petition in the High Court regarding 300 rape allegations since August 5. Expressing concern over the "unidentified" bodies, Lucky said, "Rape incidents are increasing day by day, and recently you may be seeing that the bodies of many mothers and sisters are being found. We do not know the exact reasons for these or what caused their deaths."
In the observation of human rights lawyer Salma Ali, the situation regarding rape and violence against women is worse than in the past. "Those of us who work with human rights, who have been talking about the rule of law for so long, wanted a change. We were with the students. Because various incidents, starting from a culture of impunity, were happening during the previous government's time. That is why we wanted change. Now the situation is even more horrific," Salma Ali told the media. According to statistics from human rights organizations, the number of rapes that occurred in Bangladesh in the first six months of 2025 was much higher than the total for the entire year of 2024. Additionally, there were more than 150 attempted rapes in these six months. According to Ain o Salish Kendra, a total of 401 rape incidents occurred in 2024. In the first six months of 2025 alone, this number reached 441. According to another report from Ain o Salish Kendra (ASK), child rape incidents in the first seven months of 2025 (January to July) were approximately 75 percent higher than the same period the previous year. Between January and July, 306 girl children were raped, compared to 175 during the same period in 2024. This is also significantly higher than the total of 234 reported incidents for the entire year of 2024. The age statistics of the victims present an even grimmer picture. Among them, 49 were between 0 to 6 years old, 94 were between 7 to 12 years old, and 103 were adolescents. In 60 cases, the age of the victim was not specified. According to statistics from the Human Rights Culture Foundation, there were 780 incidents of violence and rape against women in the 10 months from August 2024 to June 2025. The observation of Saidur Rahman, Executive Director of the Human Rights Culture Foundation, is that the perspective toward women in post-August Bangladesh is negative. Furthermore, he believes that efforts are being seen to marginalize women through mobs and extremist ideologies. Mr. Rahman said, "Girls will be afraid. They cannot go out at night. They cannot go out in the evening. They cannot go out without a burqa. This is what they want. They are creating these examples for this purpose. What happens if their words are not heard? They will kick, they will beat with belts. Even if he is arrested, he is brought back with flower garlands. He is becoming a hero for doing this work."
According to a report by the National Girl Child Advocacy Forum, in the first 8 months of 2025 (January to August), 390 girl children were victims of rape and gang rape in the country. Among them, 43 were victims of gang rape and 29 were girls with disabilities. After rape or gang rape, 15 children were murdered and 5 committed suicide. In addition, 134 girl children were victims of attempted rape during this time. Noting that these incidents of rape and gang rape are much higher than the previous year, the report stated that in the first 8 months of 2024, a total of 224 girl children were victims of rape, and the number of attempted rapes was 32.
At the beginning of 2026, a report provided by the Bangladesh Mahila Parishad stated that 2,808 women and girls were victims of repression in 2025. The organization released this information after analyzing news published in 15 national daily newspapers preserved in its central legal aid sub-council. Among the 2,808 victims, 1,234 were girls and 1,574 were women. The most alarming picture emerged in the case of sexual violence. In 2025, a total of 786 people were victims of rape in the country, of whom 543 were girls and 243 were women. In 2024, 2,525 reports of violence against women and girl children were published in the country's newspapers. Among them, a total of 516 people, including 367 girl children, were victims of rape. Compared to the previous year, violence against women increased by 11.2% and rape increased by 52.3% in 2025.
The Textbook Coordination Committee Incident
After the fall of the Awami League government on August 5, the interim government took office on August 8. They decided to discontinue the new curriculum introduced by the previous administration. It was resolved that textbooks for the coming year would be provided according to the old 2012 curriculum. Plans were also made to formulate and distribute books under a brand new curriculum starting in 2026.
The National Curriculum and Textbook Board (NCTB) decided that in 2026, students from fourth to tenth grade would receive textbooks based on the 2012 curriculum instead of the new one. However, there will be changes in the content of the books. Specifically, history-based subjects are seeing significant revisions. A few new stories may also be added. Since textbooks already exist under the old curriculum, those books will be refined and made suitable for printing. More than 50 experts were involved in this refinement process. Among them are several university teachers and individuals working in education.
On September 15, the Ministry of Education formed a 10- member coordination committee to ensure the smooth completion and coordination of the revision and refinement of all textbooks produced and printed by the NCTB. With Additional Secretary of the Ministry Kh. M. Kabirul Islam as the convener, the committee included Professor Kamrul Hassan Mamun of the Physics Department at Dhaka University, Professor Mohammad Azam of the Bengali
Department, Associate Professor Samina Luthfa of the Sociology Department, Additional Secretary of the Ministry of Primary and Mass Education Masud Akhtar Khan, NCTB Chairman Professor A.K.M. Reazul Hassan, Member (Curriculum) Professor Rabiul Kabir Chowdhury, Member (Primary Curriculum) Professor A.F.M. Sarwar Jahan, researcher Rakhal Raha, and Senior Assistant Secretary of the Secondary and Higher Education Division Md. Yanur Rahman (Member Secretary).
Among them, Professor Kamrul Hassan Mamun and Associate Professor Samina Lutfu are members of the left- wing teachers' organization "University Teachers' Network." The Teachers' Network played a very active role in the movement to oust the Awami League government. Both Professor Kamrul Hassan Mamun and Associate Professor Samina Lutfu exerted influence on social media and university campuses to invigorate this movement. It is quite natural for them to hold responsible positions in the new government.
However, once Professor Kamrul Hassan Mamun and Samina Lutfu were included in the committee, the madrasa- based organization Hefazat-e-Islam and Khelafat Majlis leader Mamunul Haque labeled them as "anti-Islamic" in public meetings. He demanded the reconstitution of the committee by including "Islamic scholars" (Alem-Olama). Earlier, following the formation of the committee, Shaykh Ahmadullah, Chairman of the As-Sunnah Foundation, wrote on his verified Facebook page: "Identified haters of religion will decide what the children of religious people will read!" Although he initially mentioned two names in his post, he later removed them. Again, on September 26 at a meeting in Jamalpur, Khelafat Majlis leader Mamunul Haque alleged that "the commission formed under the name of Education Commission includes promoters of homosexuality." He demanded their removal. When asked why the committee was being opposed, Hefazat-e-Islam Senior Joint Secretary General Azizul Haque Islamabadi told the media: "Some people have been placed here who cherish anti-Islamic sentiments and atheism. Textbooks for the larger population cannot be produced by them. That is why we are opposing that committee."
In this situation, on September 28, the interim government announced the cancellation of the entire committee. Notably, the only female member of this committee was Associate Professor Samina Lutfu.
Misogynistic Attacks Targeting the Women's Affairs Reform Commission
Under the initiative of the interim government, a total of 11 reform commissions began their work. On November 18, 2024, the "Women’s Affairs Reform Commission" was formed, which submitted its proposals on April 19, 2025. Shirin Huq, a founding member of the organization "Naripokkho," served as the chair of the commission. Among the remaining nine members were Sara Hossain, Honorary Executive Director of the Bangladesh Legal Aid and Services Trust (BLAST), and Fawzia Karim Firoze,
Senior Advocate of the Bangladesh Supreme Court and President of the Foundation for Law and Development.
In its report, the commission presented 443 proposals across 15 different topics. These included a uniform family law for women of all religions, equal inheritance rights for women, recognition of sex workers as laborers, increasing the number of parliamentary seats to 600, and reserving 300 of those seats for women.
Immediately after the commission submitted its report, Islamist parties reacted with anger toward various aspects of it. Hefazat-e-Islam also became active. Hefazat-e-Islam called for a grand rally in Dhaka on May 3, presenting a four-point demand that included the abolition of the Women’s Affairs Reform Commission. The first of the four demands was the cancellation of the Women’s Affairs Reform Commission and its report. The second demand was to reinstate full trust and faith in Allah in the constitution instead of the proposed pluralism. The third demand was the withdrawal of all cases filed against Hefazat leaders and activists and justice for all massacres, including the alleged killings at Shapla Chattar. Finally, the fourth demand included the call to stop the genocide and oppression of Muslims in Palestine and India.
Hefazat-e-Islam conducted nationwide public outreach to make the grand rally a success. On Friday, May 2, after the Jummah prayers, Maulana Junaid Al Habib, Central Senior Vice President and Dhaka Metropolitan President of Hefazat-e-Islam Bangladesh, threatened during a protest rally in front of the National Mosque Baitul Mukarram that the entire country would be paralyzed if the four-point demands were not met. Although four demands were mentioned, the abolition of the "Women’s Reform Commission" became the primary focus. Ahle Hadith Andolon Bangladesh held a separate human chain and protest rally in the Baitul Mukarram North Gate area for the same demand.
Additionally, an all-religious press conference was held at the Tofazzal Hossain Manik Mia Hall of the National Press Club, organized by an organization called "Aid for Men Foundation." They demanded the rejection of the controversial Women’s Affairs Reform Commission’s report, claiming it was against religious and social values, contrary to the constitution, and discriminatory. Presided over by the organization’s legal advisor Advocate Kawsar Hossain, speakers at the conference included Mufti Rezaul Karim Abrar, General Secretary of the National Olama Mashayekh Aimma Parishad; Advocate Pradip Kumar Pal, Executive President of the Bangladesh National Hindu Grand Alliance; Albert P. Costa, President of the Bangladesh Christian Association; Saiful Islam Nadim, General Secretary of the Aid for Men Foundation; and Iftekhar Hossain, Vice President of the Dhaka District Committee.
Albert P. Costa stated that the report of the Women’s Affairs Reform Commission is not only against the Islamic religion but will also hurt the religious sentiments of people of any faith, including Christians. He noted that practicing religion is a fundamental right and it is natural that the family customs of people of any religion will follow the rules of their own faith. Advocate Pradip Kumar Pal said the report is one-sided and prepared based on Western prescriptions. He claimed it has no connection to women’s development and accused the commission of conspiring to make the people of this country godless by using women as a shield. On behalf of the National Hindu Grand Alliance, he sought the cancellation of this commission.
On the afternoon of May 3, during the grand rally of Hefazat-e-Islam Bangladesh at Suhrawardy Udyan, the commission's report was described as anti-Quran. A demand was made for the immediate cancellation of this commission and the formation of a new one by including representatives of the religious women’s community under the advice of Islamic scholars. Earlier, a 12-point declaration was read by Maulana Mahfuzul Haque, Naib-e-Amir of Hefazat-e-Islam Bangladesh. The declaration stated that "full trust and faith in Allah" must be reinstated in the constitution and the government must move away from the suicidal concept of "pluralism."
Hefazat-e-Islam stated that attempts to establish a society destructive and anti-religious "gay-friendly" society through the recognition and inclusion of LGBT and transgenderism under the guise of wordplay like "gender identity" and "gender diversity" must be stopped. At the rally, many Islamic speakers used intense hatred and derogatory language toward the commission members. Some explicitly insulted a commission member using the slur "prostitute."
Hasnat Abdullah, the chief organizer (Southern region) of the Jatiya Nagorik Party (NCP), attended and spoke at this
Hefazat rally. He urged the government to immediately address the concerns raised by Hefazat-e-Islam. When criticism began regarding the presence of a leader from the NCP at a rally where women were publicly insulted, NCP Senior Joint Convener Ariful Islam Adib stated that the NCP as a party had not been invited. He claimed Hasnat Abdullah participated in a personal capacity. However, Hasnat stated that he went to the program as a representative of the NCP.
Political analyst Dr. Jobaida Nasreen told the media that she does not consider it a personal opinion, but rather the position of the NCP. She noted that through Hasnat’s speech, the NCP’s position regarding the commission and women is becoming clear. She described the NCP as a "King's Party" that is making its statements known as the government's party.
Three female leaders of the Jatiya Nagorik Party (NCP) and three female cultural personalities sent a legal notice to Hefazat-e-Islam regarding the public insult of women. The legal notice was sent on May 5, stating that no one has the right to use the slur "prostitute" in a public space. The signatories included Syeda Nilima Dola, Dyuti Aranya Chowdhury, Nila Afroz, Umme Raihana, Umme Farhana, and Camelia Sharmin Chura.
The following day, Hefazat-e-Islam Bangladesh officially expressed regret for the use of offensive and disrespectful words toward women at the rally. In a statement signed by Joint General Secretary Maulana Azizul Haque Islamabadi, the choice of words was described as "unintended" and
"unfortunate." He stated that Hefazat does not support any speaker’s use of offensive language. The women who sent the legal notice welcomed this move and accepted the apology.
The public verbal abuse of women, the legal notice against the insults, the expression of regret in response to the notice, and the acceptance of that apology essentially brought a close to the activities of the interim government’s Women’s Affairs Reform Commission.
Shrinking Employment Opportunities
Cancellation of Quotas in Government Jobs, Private Educational Institutions, and Government Primary Schools
The quota system in Bangladesh's government jobs was introduced in 1972, the year after independence. Initially, recruitment began based on freedom fighter, district, and women's quotas. While a 10% quota was first allocated for women affected by the war, it was later extended to all women. Following the first anti-quota movement in 2018, the government abolished all quotas. On June 5, 2024, the High Court declared the 2018 notification regarding quota cancellation illegal. This created the reality of reinstating the quota system. Subsequently, a new movement was called which initially appeared as a student protest but transformed into a movement to topple the government over time.
On July 21, 2024, the Appellate Division of the Supreme Court of Bangladesh overturned the High Court's verdict and directed that 93% of government recruitment be based on merit, keeping only a 7% quota. On July 23, the government issued a notification in accordance with the Supreme Court's verdict. District quotas, women's quotas, and other additional quotas were not included in this notification. Consequently, these are currently considered abolished.
At that time, "anti-quota" sentiment was so intensely popular that many women were seen claiming they did not need a quota. However, no one considered the answer to the question: what will happen to the woman who actually needs the quota? This was overlooked in a surge of populism and emotion. Despite women making up half of the country's population, their presence in government jobs was less than five percent. Instead of creating a path to ensure the partnership of women who fall behind at various stages of life while facing social, political, and cultural discrimination, a so-called "freedom from discrimination" was ensured by removing their small reserved benefits.
In all MPO-enrolled private educational institutions in the country, it was mandatory to appoint female candidates to 40 percent of teacher positions in urban areas and 20 percent in rural areas. In a notification published on May 22, 2025, the Secondary and Higher Education Division of the
Ministry of Education declared the cancellation of the women's quota in private teacher recruitment.
A 60 percent special quota for women in the recruitment of assistant teachers in government primary schools had been in place for a long time, which was effective according to the "Government Primary School Teacher Recruitment Rules, 2019" and various previous regulations. On July 28, 2025, the interim government issued the "Government Primary Teacher Recruitment Rules, 2025." This regulation excluded the special reserved quota for women.
In this manner, the reserved opportunities for women in government jobs, teachers in private educational institutions, and assistant teachers in government primary schools were brought to an end.
1.8 Million Women Workers Lose Their Jobs
During the tenure of the interim government, women, who are a major driving force of the economy, have been pushed out of the labor market. In the first half of the 2024-2025 fiscal year (July-December), approximately 2.1 million people lost their jobs in the country. Out of these, 1.8 million are women. This means that more than 85 percent of those who lost their jobs are women, which is considered a massive blow to the labor market. This information surfaced in a report titled "The State of Bangladesh’s Economy from a Gender Perspective" published in May 2025. The report was prepared by the Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics (BBS) with support from UN Women.
Approximately 3 million women used to work in Bangladesh's readymade garment industry. Although it is the primary sector for earning foreign currency, many women workers lost their jobs or were forced to work for lower wages after the change in government caused a decline in global purchase orders.
The garment industry became volatile following the fall of the government on August 5. Many industrial owners, falling victim to political vendettas, went into hiding. Due to the resulting chaos and the deteriorating law and order situation, foreign orders began to decline. Consequently, many factories closed down, and numerous establishments became unable to pay their workers' wages, forcing the workers to take to the streets in protest. Generation Knit Fashions Limited, located in the Narasinghapur area of Ashulia, was one such establishment. The company suddenly announced the closure of its factory, leaving thousands of workers in a dire situation. The workers demanded the payment of three months' outstanding wages and allowances, but their pleas went unanswered. This led them to launch a protest. On October 23, 2024, during the demonstration, two female workers Morsheda Begum (35) and Champa Khatun (25) were shot by the police. Champa Khatun, who sustained bullet wounds to her chest and abdomen, passed away the following day.
Jesmin Akter (22) used to work in a garment factory in Gazipur. Last November, she was suddenly informed that she was being laid off due to a lack of orders. After supporting her family with this salary for several years, she was stunned by the sudden job loss. Jesmin said, "I used to get 12,000 taka a month; now I have to work in a small factory for 8,000 taka. I am struggling to pay house rent, my mother's medicine, and my own expenses with that money."
On July 13, 2025, Global Press Journal published a report on the situation of female garment workers in Bangladesh. This report highlighted the struggles of 28-year-old Lima Akter. Lima first sold her television. Then her phone, followed by her refrigerator. Now she is planning to sell her sewing machine. After working in the garment industry for 12 years, she is now unemployed, and she has been in this state since last August. Lima said, "As soon as Hasina left, our factory closed down." Lima's mother-in-law also lost her job at the same garment factory, as did her husband. They are among the approximately 6,000 workers of a textile company called Generation Next Fashions who became unemployed. They are also part of the estimated 130,000 garment workers (most of whom are women) who lost their jobs after Hasina was ousted. Lima said, "To me, democracy means having a job."
The success of the anti-Hasina opposition has come at a massive price. For many workers, this uprising has stripped away their livelihoods. Previously, labor leaders could negotiate with factory owners and officials of the influential Bangladesh Garment Manufacturers and Exporters Association (BGMEA) to resolve any disputes. However, the fall of the Awami League created a leadership void or power vacuum, and due to the inefficiency or lack of sincerity of the interim government, this void has not been filled.
The shrinking of the female workforce is also having a negative impact on the country's overall economy. Economists say that if female labor force participation decreases by 1 percent, the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) decreases by approximately 0.3 percent. Monira Rahman, Executive Director of Innovation for Wellbeing Foundation, says that work is not just a means of livelihood but a part of life. When women lose their jobs, it is not just a financial crisis; their self-confidence, social identity, and mental stability also collapse.
Proposal to Reduce Women's Working Hours
"A mother gives birth to a child, raises them, and in some cases, fulfills responsibilities as a professional. If a man works 8 hours, is it fair for a woman to work the same number of hours? If we come to power, we will reduce their working hours to 5 hours so that as mothers, they can fulfill their proper duties toward their children." Dr. Shafiqur Rahman, the Ameer of Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami, made this announcement on October 26, 2025, during an event organized by the "Coalition of Bangladeshi American Associations" at Astoria World Manor in New York City.
The women's rights organization "Naripokkho" described the proposal to reduce women's working hours from 8
hours to 5 hours as a "subtle tactic" to confine women within the home. In a statement on October 30, the organization stated that Dr. Shafiqur Rahman's promise is essentially a cheap election advertisement and an ill-fated attempt to limit women's professional lives. The statement added, "Instead of demanding equal participation of men in domestic work, the suggestion to finish 8 hours of work in 5 hours is discriminatory and misogynistic. Naripokkho calls for avoiding such tactics and demands that women's merit, skills, and labor be given more importance in the development of the society and the state."
At a rally organized in East Senpara of the Dhaka-15 constituency on the night of November 10, Dr. Shafiqur Rahman reiterated that if his party comes to power, arrangements will be made for a 5-hour workday instead of 8 hours for working women. He stated, "The issue of reducing women's working hours is not unrealistic, but rather a feasible initiative. If any institution faces losses due to this, the government will provide a subsidy equivalent to the three hours." He further added, "The state will also honorably recognize the contribution of those women who wish to spend more time at home."
On November 14, a silent procession and rally titled "Increasing Violence and Disrespect Against Women: Conscious Women's Society Ready to Resist" was held in front of the National Museum in Shahbagh to protest this proposal. Hundreds of women participating in the program, organized by the Women and Children Rights Forum, wore black cloths over their mouths in silent protest and later chanted in unison, "Not five, but eight, who are you to dictate?" The chief guest of the program, BNP Standing Committee member Salahuddin Ahmed, said, "A political party is turning religion into a business tool to keep women confined within the inner quarters. Their plan is to keep half of the country's population in darkness and obstruct the progress of women. That is why a conspiracy is underway to reduce women's employment by shortening working hours. If hours are reduced, it will become difficult for women to survive in the workplace."
On the same day at an event in Rajshahi, the media significantly covered a statement by the Chief of Army Staff of Bangladesh, General Waker-Uz-Zaman, where he said, "Fifty percent of the country's population are women; it would be a mistake to think of development by excluding them."
Amidst these discussions, activists vocal about women's rights in Bangladesh expressed caution, labeling the Jamaat leader's statement as "illogical" and a "strategy to impose control" over women.
Questions have also arisen regarding the feasibility of the Jamaat Ameer's statement on reducing hours and providing subsidies. There is debate over whether this is possible within the country's existing economic context. Economist Professor Mustafizur Rahman said that half of the country's total workforce is female, with nearly 25 million currently involved in the workplace. The decision to reduce the working hours of such a vast number of workers and provide subsidies is not logical. Citing the garment industry as an example, Mr. Rahman said that if the government wants to pay the remaining three hours' salary as a subsidy for women working five hours, at least 16,000 crore taka would be needed for approximately 2.1 million workers in the garment sector alone. If women work only five hours, employers will not be very interested in hiring them. Overall, Mr. Rahman remarked, "I don't think this would be a very good decision from an economic perspective."
Decline in Women's Role in National Elections and State Empowerment
Due to various political and historical circumstances, the two major political parties in Bangladesh, the Awami League and the BNP, have been led by two women, Sheikh Hasina and Begum Khaleda Zia, since the early 1980s. Since 1991, they have continuously served as the elected Prime Minister (Head of Government) during different terms. This continuity came to an end with Sheikh Hasina’s ouster and departure from the country on August 5, 2024, and the death of Khaleda Zia on December 31, 2025.
During the July movement of 2024, several young women became well-known faces in politics, gained media importance, and showed potential to become significant leaders in the future. In the National Citizen Party (NCP), a political party born from the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement, several young women were in the front ranks. However, for various reasons, they gradually began to fade away. One notable reason was the allegation of sexual harassment against women within the NCP itself. Despite claiming to be moderate and inclusive, the NCP leadership’s lean toward the right wing and their eventual alliance with Jamaat-e-Islami disappointed the organization’s female supporters.
The expectations of non-discrimination and inclusivity that influenced the fall of the Awami League government appeared as a mirage during the nominations for the national parliamentary elections scheduled for February 2026. Half of the total voters in Bangladesh are women, numbering 62,879,042. In the July National Charter formulated by the National Consensus Commission, political parties had agreed that every party would nominate at least 5 percent female candidates in this parliamentary election. In reality, the opposite occurred. The major political party, the Awami League, was not allowed to participate in this election. The other major party, the BNP, has only 10 female candidates out of 288 seats, which is only 3.5 percent. Out of the 51 political parties contesting the 13th parliamentary elections, 30 have no female candidates at all. Jamaat-e-Islami, which speaks loudly about women’s empowerment in meetings and seminars, has zero female candidates. The NCP, which spreads the narrative of non-discrimination and inclusion, has only two. Overall, the proportional rate of female candidates in this election is near only three and a half percent. The proportion of female candidates in the 9th, 10th, 11th, and 12th elections was higher than this time. In the 2024 election, approximately 5.15 percent of women contested. In the 2018 election, it was about 3.80 percent, and in the 10th (2014) election, 5.55 percent of candidates were women.
According to the conditions for political party registration, a specific rate of female representation in party positions must be ensured, but nothing is stated regarding nominations for contesting elections. However, according to Article 22(b)-(d) of the July National Charter 2025, every political party was supposed to ensure a minimum of 5 percent female candidates in this parliamentary election. The goal was set to increase this gradually to 33 percent in subsequent elections. Yet, the parties that strongly demanded the implementation of the July Charter have the lowest number of female candidates. Experts say that parties are not prioritizing female nominations because misogynistic rhetoric has increased recently and there are no legal obligations. They believe that if this trend among political parties continues, the democratic system of the country will be damaged in the long run.
On January 29, 2026, the Qatar-based broadcaster Al Jazeera published an interview with the Ameer of Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami, Shafiqur Rahman. The interview, titled "Bangladesh Election: The Resurgence of Jamaat-e-Islami," was conducted by Al Jazeera journalist Srinivasan Jain. In the introduction, he mentioned that after the fall of former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina's government in August 2024 and as the national election approached, Jamaat-e-Islami came back to the center of discussion. According to recent survey data, Jamaat could emerge as a major force in this election. The Al Jazeera journalist asked the Jamaat Ameer about their role in the
1971 Liberation War, the party's position on introducing Islamic law, women, the secular identity of Bangladesh, and the future of democracy.
In response to a question about women, the Jamaat Ameer stated that no woman was nominated from their party in this election. However, they are preparing for it. When asked if a woman could lead Jamaat as its head, Shafiqur Rahman said, "It is not possible." Explaining the reason, he said, "Allah created everyone in their own essence. A man can never bear a child or breastfeed a child. We cannot change what Allah has created." In this context, he added, "There are limitations in some cases; they will not be able to perform responsibilities. There are some physical disadvantages that we cannot deny. When a mother gives birth to a child, how will she perform this duty? It is not possible."
On January 31, the following was written on the verified X handle of Jamaat Ameer Shafiqur Rahman: "On the question of women, Jamaat’s position is neither confused nor apologetic; it is principled. We do not think women should come into the leadership. In Jamaat, it is impossible. Allah did not permit this. We believe that when women are pushed out of the home in the name of modernity, they are exposed to exploitation, moral decay, and insecurity. It’s nothing but another form of prostitution. Social media vulgarity, workplace harassment, and commodification of women are not signs of progress; they are symptoms of moral collapse. We refuse to compromise with immorality, no matter how fashionable it becomes."
The post was deleted an hour later, and a new post stated that the account had been hacked and that "opponents" had tried to frame them through manipulation. However, Jamaat-e-Islami expressed its determination to remain morally diligent in building the future of the people of Bangladesh by overcoming all conspiracies. Nevertheless, many IT experts stated in social media posts that the claim of recovering a hacked X ID in such a short time is not credible.
Data-Driven Report
This report highlights critical data regarding the escalation of violence, economic displacement, and political marginalization of women following the political transition in August 2024.
1. Escalation in Sexual Violence and Femicide
Yearly Increase in Rape: There was a 52.3% increase in reported rape cases in 2025 (786 cases) compared to 2024 (516 cases).
Child Rape Trends: In the first seven months of 2025, 306 girl children were raped, a nearly 75% increase from the 175 incidents reported during the same period in 2024.
Overall Repression: A total of 2,808 women and girls were victims of repression in 2025,
representing an 11.2% increase in violence against women compared to 2024.
Specific Monthly Surge: In September 2024, the month immediately following the government change, there were 208 incidents of violence, which was 70 incidents higher than the previous month.
2. Law Enforcement and Judicial Gaps
Decline in Arrests: While the number of individuals accused of violence against women remained steady at approximately 3,000 per month in late 2024, actual arrests plummeted from an average of 1,000 per month to only 500 in August and 600 in September.
Case Disposal Demands: Student protesters have called for a legal mandate to dispose of women and children repression cases within 180 days to address the culture of impunity.
3. Economic Displacement and Labor Market Impact
4. Disproportionate Job Loss: Between July and December 2024, 2.1 million people lost their jobs; of these, 1.8 million (over 85%) were women.
5. Garment Sector Impact: Approximately 130,000 garment workers, the majority of whom are women, lost their livelihoods following the ousting of the previous government.
6. GDP Correlation: Economists note that a 1% decrease in female labor force participation results in an approximately 0.3% decrease in Gross Domestic Product (GDP).
7. Subsidy Costs: Implementing a proposed 5-hour workday for women (down from 8 hours) with government-paid subsidies would cost an estimated 16,000 crore taka for the garment sector alone.
4. Shrinking Political Representation
Declining Candidacy Rates: Female candidate participation in the 13th parliamentary election (2026) fell to approximately 3.5%, down from 5.15% in 2024 and 5.55% in 2014.
Party-Specific Data (2026 Election):
BNP: Nominated only 10 women out of 288 seats (3.5%).
National Citizen Party (NCP): Nominated only 2 women.
Jamaat-e-Islami: Nominated 0 women.
Voter Demographics: Despite the low representation, women constitute half of the total voters, numbering 62,879,042.
5. Institutional Reform and Quotas
Abolition of Reserved Seats: The interim government issued regulations in 2025 that excluded the long-standing 60% special quota for women in government primary school teacher recruitment.
Private Sector Quotas: The 40% (urban) and 20% (rural) mandatory female teacher recruitment quotas for private educational institutions were canceled in May 2025.
Chapter III
Oppression Against Teachers, Students' Academic Lives Disrupted
The Plight of Secondary and College-Level Teachers
A middle-aged man was running along the road in fear for his life, pursued by several teenagers. He eventually managed to jump onto a rickshaw, but before it could speed away, one of the pursuers struck him on the head. A victorious smile appeared on the boy's face as the scene was captured on camera, and with a sense of self-satisfaction, he remarked, "I managed to hit Sir." The victim, teacher Deepak Chowdhury Bulbul, had been attempting to escape when the incident occurred at Sylhet Blue Bird School and College on August 25, 2024.
Deepak Chowdhury Bulbul was humiliated, while Principal Husne Ara Begum was forced to resign following a blockade by current and former students. On the same day, Ershad Ali, the acting principal of Dhakadakshin Government College in Golapganj, was forced to resign. Similarly, Goura Ghosh, the headmistress of Kishori Mohan
Girls' High School, fled from the institution under student pressure.
This phenomenon is not isolated to Sylhet only; it has spread across Bangladesh. Following the fall of the Awami League government on August 5, several unprecedented instances of anarchy emerged, most notably the harassment of teachers. Such mass incidents are historic for Bangladesh, severely undermining the deeply held cultural norm that teachers are to be respected. This oppression occurred at two levels. At the secondary and college levels, physical assault and forced resignations were frequent. In public universities, while physical assaults were fewer, forced resignations were often accompanied by legal cases and arrests.
Analysis shows that many targeted teachers fall victim to internal institutional politics and guardian-led power struggles. Since students were the primary catalyst in the government's downfall, they viewed themselves as the most powerful segment of the state after August 5. Vested interest groups exploited this, raising allegations against specific teachers. Alumni associations also played an active role, often using the chaos to settle old personal scores. The primary agenda became the forced, extra-legal resignation of institutional heads. Scenes of teachers being forced to wear garlands made of shoes (a form of public humiliation in South Asian culture), being physically removed from their chairs, or being slapped amidst cheers were widely circulated on social media.
Following the fall of the Awami League government on August 5, 2024, an interim government was formed on August 8. However, on August 7, just a day before the interim government took charge, the principal's chair at Dhaka City College in the capital was occupied in a manner reminiscent of a land grab. Professor Bedar Uddin, the Principal, was forced to sign a resignation letter, and Professor Kazi Niamul Haque, a teacher from the English department, took over as the Acting Principal. This unprecedented incident was carried out by bringing in students from the Anti-Discrimination Movement. Seven other teachers were also forced to leave the institution.
Then came August 11. On this day, Keka Roy Chowdhury, Principal of Viqarunnisa Noon School and College, and Dr. Farhana Khanam, Assistant Professor of the Physics department, were forced to submit their resignations after being besieged by former and current students. Regarding the matter, Principal Keka Roy Chowdhury said, "I am resigning out of respect for the students' demands." Conversely, Dr. Farhana Khanam stated, "I was forced to resign under duress."
On the same day, the principals of three other government colleges in the capital stepped down in the face of student protests. They are: Professor Amena Begum of Kabi Nazrul Government College, Professor Md. Mohsin Kabir of Government Shaheed Suhrawardy College, and Professor Ferdous Ara Begum of Government Titumir College. Following the resignation of Professor Md. Mohsin Kabir of Suhrawardy College, students even held a victory procession.
On August 18, students forced Gitanjali Barua, the Principal of Azimpur Government Girls School and College, to sign a resignation letter. Although a photo circulated on social media claiming Gitanjali Barua had been tied to a tree, it was later revealed that the woman in the photo was not her. During an altercation between current and former students regarding the forced resignation of the principal, a former student had been tied up.
However, at Salema Khatun Girls' High School in Sarishabari, Jamalpur, students engaged in a physical scuffle to remove Headmistress Wajeda Parvin from her chair. This incident occurred on August 25.
From the morning of August 28, students at Hapania School and College in Naogaon, a northern district of Bangladesh, began a protest by confining Principal Nurul Islam, demanding his resignation. During this time, some outsiders entered his office, hurling obscenities and physically manhandling him. At one point, Nurul Islam fainted on the spot. He was later taken to a hospital, where it was confirmed that he had suffered an immediate heart attack.
On the afternoon of September 24, a group of students and outsiders, claiming to be from the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement, entered the campus of Hazera-Taju Degree College in Chattogram and initiated chaos in the rooms of the Principal and Vice-Principal. They used microphones to announce and pressure the Vice-Principal to resign. Surrounded from all sides, Vice-Principal S.M. Ayub was forced to sign a resignation letter. Eyewitnesses reported that someone held a knife to his back during the incident. At one point, the Vice-Principal collapsed after suffering a heart attack. Later, a copy of a dismissal order containing the names of three teachers was handed to the Principal, and his signature was also taken. Vice-Principal S.M. Ayub never recovered from the heart attack and passed away on November 23, 2024.
On September 28, Kazi Alamgir, the Headmaster of Mohanpur High School in Debidwar, Cumilla, was assaulted, and a student took a photo while sitting in the Headmaster’s chair. That photo went viral on social media.
On October 24, Yunus Nabi, the Headmaster of Narottampur Union High School in Begumganj, Noakhali, was forced to sign a resignation letter. Following the incident, he filed a case in the Begumganj Assistant Judge's Court. The court issued an injunction on the resignation process until May 20, 2025. Consequently, when he went to the school on April 23 (2025), the new school management committee assaulted him and drove him away.
Within 16 days — from August 11 to 27 — the Dhaka District Education Office informed the Director General of DSHE that 36 headteachers had lost their positions. Among these 36, eight resigned, 20 were forced to resign, three are absconding, three were sent on mandatory leave, one was removed, and one fled their residence in the face of protests.
The principals and headteachers who resigned are: Sardar Mohammad Helal Uddin of Khilgaon Government Staff Quarter High School, Kazi Shafiqul Islam of Banani Model
School, Dr. Md. Idris Ali of BCSIR School and College, Hosne Ara of Rampura Ekramunnesa Girls' High School, Acting Principal Muhammad Abdul Mannan of Nawabganj Government Pilot Higher Secondary School and College, Md. Nurul Islam of Dhaka Cotton Mill Adarsha High School, Md. Isharat Ali of Shyampur Bhashapradip High School, and A.S.M. Abdul Khalek of Joypara Government Pilot High School in Dohar.
The principals and headteachers forced to resign are: M. Mustafa Zaman Mia of Gulshan Model High School and College, Zohra Jabin of Siddheswari Girls' High School, Md. Nurul Islam of Mirpur Nazneen School and College, Md. Abdur Razzak of Dhamrai Odudur Rahman High School, Kamruzzaman Jamal of Keraniganj Kalatia High School, Md. Nazrul Islam of Lalbagh Saleha High School, Abdur Rashid Moral of Anowara Begum Muslim Girls' High School and College, Assistant Headmaster Mohammad Kamrul Hasan Munshi of the same institution, Anwar Islam Talukdar of Dhamrai Suyapur Nannar School and College, Md. Farhad Hossain of Barigaon Kailash Chandra High School, Najma Begum of Anandamoyee Girls' High School, A.S.M. Firoz of Mirpur New Model Multi-purpose High School, Md. Mostafa Kamal of Lake Circus Girls' High School, Meherunnesa of Rayerbazar High School, Sheikh Md. Abdul Hye of New Jurain K.M. Mainuddin High School, Mohammad Zahirul Islam of Banani Model School, Md. Shafiqul Islam of Shyampur Adarsha High School, Khan Nasir Uddin of Shyampur Barnamala Adarsha School and College, Talukdar Abdul Mannaf of Demra Agradoot Vidyaniketan High School, and Tofazzal Hossain of Aganagar High School in Keraniganj.
In addition, Mosharraf Hossain Munshi, Principal of Ahmed Bawani Academy School and College in Lalbagh, was removed. Mst. Ferdousi Yasmin, Acting Headmistress of Maniknagar Model High School in Demra, was dismissed. Md. Shafiqul Islam, Acting Headmaster of Mannan High School and College in Demra, and Shubhashish Kumar Biswas, Headmaster of Mirpur Model Academy, were sent on six months' mandatory leave. Abdullah Al Mamun, Headmaster of Badda Girls' High School and College, fled his residence due to teacher- student protests; he is listed as "absconding" in government records.
Furthermore, the Dhaka District Education Officer’s records state that the headmaster of Aisha Begum Pilot Girls' High School in Dohar "cannot be found." In a letter to the Director General of DSHE, it was reported that Abdul Mannan, Principal of Tejgaon Adarsha School and College, declared the institution closed on August 21 and "moved to a safe location."
Amidst nationwide criticism of this unprecedented anarchy, Wahiduddin Mahmud, the Advisor in charge of the Ministry of Education and the Ministry of Planning, stated during a meeting with ministry officials on August 25: “Teachers and staff of government educational institutions are posted and transferred according to rules and regulations. There is no scope for forced resignations. Creating instability by forcing resignations could lead to a collapse of the administration.” Following the Advisor's remarks, the Ministry of Education instructed District Commissioners (DCs) to monitor the overall environment of educational institutions and report to the Secondary and Higher Education Division if necessary. However, in reality, there was little improvement. The practice of forcing teachers to resign and, in many cases, physically assaulting them, continued.
Eventually, teachers who were forced to resign or faced harassment began organizing programs, including human chains and press conferences. Many moved the High Court. Finally, on December 17, 2024, a meeting was held between the Senior Secretary of the Ministry and officials from District Administration, DSHE, and Education Boards. In that meeting, decisions were made regarding the forced resignations, harassment, and the salaries of the teachers. It was decided that investigations would be conducted at the divisional, district, and upazila levels against those accused of orchestrating these forced resignations. Pending the investigation reports, the salaries and allowances of the concerned teachers would continue. The Director General of DSHE was instructed to implement this decision. On January 19 (2025), the Secondary and Higher Education Division of the Ministry of Education issued a directive to continue the salaries of teachers who were forced to resign.
However, despite the Ministry’s order and High Court directives, the persecuted teachers have not received their due salaries and allowances, and most have been unable to return to their workplaces. One such individual is Principal Md. Bedar Uddin, who was forced to resign from Dhaka City College on August 7 (2024). Regarding the forced resignation, Principal Md. Bedar Uddin filed a writ petition in the High Court. On October 27 (2024), Justice Farah Mahbub and Justice Debasish Roy Chowdhury issued an order. A rule was issued asking why the appointments of the Acting Principal and Vice-Principal should not be declared illegal. The order also directed the Vice-Chancellor of the National University and the Director General of DSHE to settle the petitioner's application within four weeks following an investigation.
Later, Principal Md. Bedar Uddin told the media, “Although the Ministry directed that salaries be continued, eight other teachers and I are not receiving them. The institution authorities were supposed to take action regarding the salaries, but there is no sign of it. The High Court ruled in my favor, but no steps have been taken in that regard either.” In July 2025, Md. Mostafa Kamal, the Headmaster of Lake Circus Girls' High School in Kalabagan, stated that he was still unable to enter the institution. While he is receiving his government salary following the court's verdict, he is not receiving the institution’s portion, nor has he been reinstated to his post. Similarly, Nasrin Akhter, Principal of Rahmatullah Model High School and College in Lalbagh, was driven out of the institution on September 19, 2024. Nearly a year later, she is still unable to return. Although she receives government allowances, she is denied the salary and benefits due from the institution.
The storm of teacher harassment that swept the country after August 5, 2024, has somewhat subsided but has not stopped entirely. At least three incidents occurred in September 2025 alone. At Bhutiarcona Adarsha High School and College in Gauripur, Mymensingh, Principal Golam Mohammad was assaulted and driven out. After August 5, he was removed and replaced by an acting principal, though he later regained his position. However, a local group continued to block his entry to the college. In Pirojpur, miscreants launched a terrorist attack on Bipul Mitra (50), the Headmaster of Jujkhola Combined Multi- purpose High School, breaking both his legs and one arm. Assistant teacher Ashim Kumar, who was with him, was also beaten and injured. Abul Asar Md. Shafiuzzaman, the founding Principal of Jonail Degree College in Natore, alleged in a press conference that a "mob" was created to prevent him from entering the college, and his room was locked. He claimed he was targeted for protesting irregularities, including demands for money from the college fund, recruitment trade, and extortion.
In a report published in the media in October 2025, Anwar Islam Talukdar, the convener of the "Alliance of Deprived Institutional Heads," stated that since August 5, approximately 3,500 teachers from 2,000 private educational institutions have been harassed. Among them, at least 500 were injured or fell ill. Many had to go to jail on false charges. Out of the 3,500 harassed teachers, 1,000 have not received any salaries or allowances. While the rest receive salaries, they have been unable to return to their respective institutions. Their organization visits the Ministry of Education every month, but nothing effective has happened beyond verbal promises. Anwar himself was the Principal of Suyapur Nannar School and College in Dhamrai, Dhaka. On August 11 (2024), some colleagues and students forced him to resign, citing various allegations. The management committee forbade him from coming to the institution. The next day, a group of people arrived at his Mirpur residence and forcibly took his signature on a resignation letter.
Situation of Public University Teachers and Officials
In the stern reality following August 5, the Vice- Chancellors, teachers, and officials of public universities in Bangladesh faced multifaceted experiences. Incidents of harassment occurred, such as forced resignations, exemptions from duties, orders to refrain from classes and examination activities, and being forced to apologize. Cases of murder and attempted murder were filed against university teachers. Several teachers were also arrested.
Forced Resignation and Physical Assault of Teachers
August 5, 2024: Students of the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement gave an ultimatum to the Vice- Chancellor and six officials of Mawlana Bhashani Science and Technology University (MBSTU) in Tangail to resign and leave the campus. Vice-Chancellor Professor Dr. Md. Forhad Hossain, Proctor Professor Md. Musha Miah, Bangabandhu Hall Provost Professor Md. Nurul Islam,
Jahanara Imam Hall Provost Mosa. Nargis Akhter, Sheikh Russel Hall Provost Professor Md. Idris Ali, and Deputy Director of the Student Welfare Counseling Center Fayzun Nahar Mim resigned and left the campus at night.
August 6, 2024: On the night of August 6, Vice-Chancellor Professor Shahidur Rashid Bhuiyan, Pro-Vice-Chancellor Professor Alok Kumar Paul, and Proctor Harun-or-Rashid of Sher-e-Bangla Agricultural University (SAU) submitted their resignation letters. August 7, 2024: Vice-Chancellor of Jahangirnagar University (JU) Nurul Alam resigned by emailing the Chancellor. The Anti-Discrimination Student Movement gave a 24-hour ultimatum for the resignation of the Vice-Chancellor, Pro-Vice-Chancellor, and Treasurer of Shahjalal University of Science and Technology (SUST), Sylhet.
August 8, 2024: The coordinators of the Anti- Discrimination Student Movement at Rajshahi University gave a 24-hour ultimatum to the university administration to resign while "apologizing to the students and the nation." This information was shared via a press release by the 17- member coordinator council at 12:30 PM. The release stated, "If the ultimatum expires, students will be forced to drag them out. Under no circumstances can family or personal reasons be shown." Within two hours of the ultimatum, Rajshahi University Vice-Chancellor Professor Golam Sabbir Sattar, Student Adviser Professor Jahangir Alam Saud, and all members of the proctorial body, including Proctor Professor Asabul Haque, resigned. They sent their resignation letters to the Secretary of the President and the University Chancellor at 3:10 PM.
August 9, 2024: At 11:00 AM, a 24-hour ultimatum was given to the Vice-Chancellor of Begum Rokeya University, Rangpur, to resign. Following this, Vice-Chancellor Professor Dr. Md. Hasibur Rashid resigned and sent his resignation letter to the President.
August 10, 2024: Dhaka University Vice-Chancellor Professor ASM Maksud Kamal resigned. In addition to Maksud Kamal, the provosts of seven halls of Dhaka University also resigned.
August 11, 2024: Professor Dr. Kazi Shahidullah, Chairman of the University Grants Commission (UGC), the regulatory body for higher education institutions in the country, resigned. Amidst the ultimatums of the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement, the Vice-Chancellors of Jagannath University, National University, Bangladesh Agricultural University, Cumilla University, and Bangamata Sheikh Fojilatunnesa Mujib Science & Technology University resigned. Activists of the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement declared the Vice-Chancellors of Chattogram University, Sylhet Agricultural University, Kabi Nazrul University, and Noakhali Science and Technology University persona non grata, demanding their resignations.
By August 20, teachers in key administrative positions, including the Vice-Chancellors of 40 out of 53 public universities, as well as Registrars, proctorial bodies, and hall provosts, were forced to resign. Many of these resignations were not only forced but also unprecedentedly humiliating for the teachers.
'Forced Resignation, Quran Recitation, and Prayers'
August 19, 2024: From 12:00 PM, students of various departments of the Faculty of Arts marched demanding the resignation of the Dean of the faculty, Professor Dr. Abdul Bashir. Students alleged that he had supported the Awami League government and did not react even when students were attacked. Additionally, some students held old grievances against him. On March 10, a group of students from the Arabic Department of Dhaka University (DU) organized a Quran recitation program to welcome the month of Ramadan at the historic Bot-tola. Later, Professor Dr. Abdul Bashir, the Dean of the Faculty of Arts, sought a written explanation as to 'why the students involved in the event should not be punished.' He told the media at the time that the letter was issued because no prior permission was taken from the authorities before holding the event. Amidst the siege by students, Professor Abdul Bashir announced his resignation and signed the resignation letter. At this time, students recited the Quran and collectively raised their hands in prayer (Dua); Professor Bashir was also seen raising his hands in the communal prayer (Dua).
The Dean of the Faculty of Fine Arts, Professor Nisar Hossain, also resigned that day due to student protests.
'We Are Not Safe'
August 21, 2024: Professor Zeenat Huda, General Secretary of the Dhaka University Teachers' Association, raised allegations of harassment against teachers by students. She informed the media that she had sent a letter via WhatsApp to Asif Nazrul, the Law Adviser of the interim government, seeking a remedy for the forced resignations of teachers. Zeenat Huda said, "Professor Asif Nazrul is our colleague. He holds the position of an adviser to the government. Therefore, I have informed him about the situation at Dhaka University. Many of our teachers are being harassed by students and forced to resign." In the letter, Professor Zeenat Huda wrote, "A significant number of teachers at Dhaka University are in a vulnerable state. They are being threatened and attacked to resign from positions as Chairmen, Directors, Deans, and even from their jobs. This is happening in almost every department now. In the name of anti-quota protests, some students are creating pressure on department and faculty teachers. They are making banners, sending resignation letters to teachers, and spreading propaganda on social media to tarnish their reputations." She further stated that on Wednesday, Professor Chandranath Podder of the Mathematics Department was confined to extract a resignation letter from him. Similarly, they are now entering teachers' quarters to get resignation letters. "Additionally, they are sending us 'filthy' messages. In this way, a fearful and intimidating situation is being created on the university campus. We are not safe and protected." When media personnel called Law Adviser Asif Nazrul's mobile phone to get his statement, it was found switched off.
'List of 100 Anti-Hijab Teachers Published'
August 22, 2024: From a rally organized by the 'Rights Conscious Student Society' at the foot of the Raju Sculpture at TSC, Dhaka University, a list of 100 'anti-hijab' teachers from across the country was published. The convener of the organization is Muhammad Muhiuddin Rahat, a 4th-year student of the Criminology Department at Dhaka University. The rally raised demands for the dismissal and punishment of the teachers. Among the listed teachers, 24 are from various departments and institutes of Dhaka University. Besides other universities, names of teachers from various high schools, colleges, and institutes outside Dhaka were also seen on this list. Out of the 100 teachers, 29 belong to Hindu, Buddhist, and Christian communities. The publication of such a list with allegations caused panic among the concerned teachers.
Ongoing Harassment of Teachers
September 19, 2024: The newly appointed Pro-Vice- Chancellor of SUST, Professor Dr. Sajedul Karim, and Treasurer Professor Dr. Md. Ismail Hossain were administered an "oath" by Palash Bakhtiar, a coordinator of the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement, and others. They conducted this oath-taking in the conference room of Administrative Building-2 in the afternoon. As the matter spread on social media, intense criticism began nationwide.
October 23, 2024: Rantu Das, an Assistant Professor in the History Department of Chattogram University, went to his department in the morning, where some students confined him and took him to the Chairman's office. There, he was forced to write a resignation letter addressed to the Vice- Chancellor. The resignation letter was later circulated on social media.
December 13, 2024: Around 10:00 PM, while preparing to pay tribute at the Intellectuals' Graveyard on the occasion of Martyred Intellectuals Day, a group of 20 to 30 people forcibly entered the Dhaka University Teachers' Association office. During this time, they committed vandalism and tore up the flowers kept for the martyred intellectuals. Due to this, the Dhaka University Teachers' Association could not pay their respects at the graveyard on Saturday morning.
January 1, 2025: Some students of ULAB protested for five demands, including the resignation of the VC. To realize their demands, they kept a section of the university teachers, administration, and authorities forcibly detained until almost 12:00 A.M. During this time, some students insulted, humiliated, and harassed several male and female faculty members. Many teachers who were harassed that day had directly supported the students during the July movement.
February 5, 2025: Some students of Chattogram University went to break the nameplate of Jananethri Sheikh Hasina Hall and a concrete boat built in front of the hall. When Assistant Proctor Dr. Md. Korban Ali arrived at the scene, a female student named Afsana Enayet Amy slapped him during an argument. Later, this scene spread on social media.
February 18, 2025: At Khulna University of Engineering & Technology (KUET), clashes and chase-counter-chase occurred between general students and outsiders over the ban on student politics. Over fifty students were injured. That night, students raised five demands, including the VC's resignation, alleging bias toward the attackers. On February
19, students locked administrative and academic buildings. Earlier, the KUET VC was confined in the medical center from 4:00 PM on February 18; he was freed the next day at 5:15 PM. While confined, he presided over an emergency syndicate meeting online. On February 21, students locked the VC's residence. On February 25, the university was declared closed indefinitely, and students were ordered to leave the halls. Following the clashes, 37 students were temporarily expelled during a syndicate meeting on April 14. Protesting this, students demanded the VC's resignation and 32 students began a hunger strike on April 21. On April 23, a UGC delegation and Education Adviser Professor Dr. CR Abrar visited KUET. The hunger strike ended on the assurance of meeting demands. That night, the government announced the process of removing KUET VC Professor Dr. Muhammad Masud and Pro-VC Professor Dr. Sheikh Shariful Alam. On May 1, the Ministry of Education appointed Professor Md. Hazrat Ali as the interim VC. Although academic activities were to start on May 4, teachers did not attend classes. From May 18, teachers boycotted administrative activities, stating they would not return until those involved in harassing teachers were punished.
July 4, 2025: A promotion board for Dr. Kushal Baran Chakraborty, a teacher of the Sanskrit Department at Chattogram University, was scheduled for 3:00 PM. Students began protesting at 2:30 PM and locked the administrative building at 3:00 PM. The VC, two Pro-VCs, and officials were confined. Some students were heard telling the VC, "You didn't sit here on your own merit; we placed you here, you are bound to listen to us." Ultimately, the administration canceled the promotion board.
July 10, 2025: Chhatra Dal activists detained Rafiq Bin Sadeq Resad, a 4th-year Management student at Jagannath University, over allegations of BCL involvement. When they started beating him, student welfare director Dr. AKM Rifat Hasan and Assistant Proctor Md. Shafiqul Islam intervened and was subsequently harassed by Chhatra Dal activists.
September 20, 2025: During protests to abolish the ward quota at Rajshahi University, Pro-VC (Administration) Mohammad Main Uddin got into his car around 2:00 PM to go home for lunch. Some students forcibly removed him from the car, took the keys, and threw money at his car as "alms" while using obscene language. When he tried to enter his residence, they locked the main gate. He took refuge in the Zuberi Building, where he was surrounded, mocked, and scuffled with. When the Proctor and his team tried to protect him, the Proctor was physically assaulted, and 10,000 BDT and a wristwatch were snatched from him. The Pro-VC was pushed down the stairs while trying to reach a room on the second floor. Electricity and water connections to the room were cut off by the protesters, who shouted abusive slogans.
December 11, 2025: Zubair Bin Nesari (AB Zubair), the Social Welfare Secretary of DUCSU, attacked Sociology Professor AKM Jamal Uddin on the DU campus. When Professor Jamal tried to escape, Zubair chased him and tried to pull him out of a car. Professor Ajmal Hossain Bhuiyan was also harassed by Zubair that same day. Professor Jamal
Uddin stated that he had been made the convener of the Blue Panel and had gone to the VC to submit a memorandum before the attack occurred.
December 18, 2025: Salahuddin Ammar, a former coordinator and current GS of RAKSU, threatened that if any "pro-fascist" teachers or officials worked at Rajshahi University, they would be tied up in front of the administrative building. He set deadlines for pro-AL deans to resign via Facebook posts. On December 21, he brought pre-written resignation letters and attempted to force six deans to sign them. Protesters locked all administrative offices. Under extreme pressure, the six deans expressed their inability to perform routine duties during a meeting with the VC.
January 10, 2026: Assistant Professor Hasan Mohammad Roman of the Law Department, known as an Awami League supporter, was performing his duties as an invigilator in the gallery of the Faculty of Law at Chittagong University. Upon receiving the news, leaders of the University Students' Union took up positions at the Dean's office. When Professor Roman attempted to leave the scene, he was forcibly grabbed, dragged into a rickshaw, and taken to the Proctor's office. After being held there for nine hours, the university administration escorted him home amid opposition from the student leaders. According to a report published in Daily Samakal on January 13, 2026, many of those who harassed several teachers at Chittagong University under the banner of "General Students" are involved in the politics of Islami Chhatra Shibir. Some were already associated with organizations controlled by Shibir. The names mentioned in the report include: Mohammad Parvez (General Secretary of the university branch of Shibir), Ishak Bhuiyan (Publicity Secretary and Communication Affairs Secretary of CSU), Habibullah Khaled (Former Office Activities Secretary), Sakhawat Shipon (Former College Activities Secretary), Tahsan Habib, Mashiur Rahman Sohag, and Abdur Rahim.”
Data Analysis
Based on the data published in various media outlets, the following trends are observed between August 5, 2024, and January 31, 2026:
Total Harassed Teachers: Approximately 500 teachers and officials across various public universities.
Nature of Harassment: * Forced Resignation: A primary tool used by student groups to overhaul university administrations.
Physical Assault: Instances of slapping, pushing down from stairs, and physical confinement.
Psychological/Cyber Bullying: Use of social media to tarnish reputations and the
publication of "target lists" (e.g., the anti- hijab list).
Vandalism: Destruction of office property and symbolic structures.
Administrative Impact: At least 40 out of 53 public universities saw their top leadership (VCs) forced out of office within the first few weeks of the movement.
Social Dynamics: There was a A significant shift in the teacher-student relationship, where administrative authority was frequently challenged by student coordinators, sometimes bypassing legal or institutional protocols.
Harassment of Teachers through Cases of Murder, Attempted Murder, and ACC
In addition to forced resignations and physical assault, a significant number of university teachers were implicated in cases of murder and attempted murder. Utilizing the casualties of the July movement, filing mass cases became a political tool. University teachers were also included in these legal actions. Furthermore, many were harassed through cases filed by the Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC).
August 28, 2024: Six teachers of Begum Rokeya University, Rangpur (BRUR) were accused in multiple cases related to deaths and injuries during the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement. The six accused teachers are: Associate Professor Md. Moshiur Rahman (Mathematics), Associate Professor Md. Asaduzzaman Mondal Asad (Public Administration), Lecturer Khadija Sharmin Antara (Management Information Systems), Professor Dr. Md. Morshed Hossain (Economics), and two teachers from the Mass Communication and Journalism department: Associate Professor Tabiur Rahman Prodhan and Assistant Professor Moha. Mahamudul Hassan.
September 19, 2024: In a case filed under the Explosive Substances Act regarding an attack on students on July 11, 36 individuals, including former Vice-Chancellor of Cumilla University (CoU) Professor Dr. A.F.M. Abdul Moyeen and former Proctor Dr. Kazi Omar Siddiqui, along with 50 to 60 unidentified persons, were accused.
Md. Sakhawat Hossain, identifying as a coordinator of the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement, filed the case at Cumilla Sadar Dakshin Police Station. The plaintiff, Sakhawat, stated, "I filed the case following the decision of the coordinators." The First Information Report (FIR) states that the case was filed for the offenses of causing general injury by beating with the intent to kill in an unlawful assembly and creating terror and panic by exploding cocktails.
Besides former VC Professor Dr. A.F.M. Abdul Moyeen, four other teachers from Cumilla University are named: former Proctor and Associate Professor Dr. Kazi Omar Siddiqui (Management Studies), IQAC Director Professor Dr. Rashidul Islam Sheikh, Assistant Proctor and Lecturer Abu Obaida Rahid (Marketing), and Assistant Proctor and Lecturer Amit Dutta (Anthropology). Notably, Professor Dr. Rashidul Islam Sheikh was reportedly in India on July 11.
Several university officials and employees were also named, including Deputy Registrar Md. Zakir Hossain, Section Officers Rezaul Islam Majed and Billal Hossain, Employee Association President Jashim Uddin, Computer Operator Md. Mohsin, IQAC Office Assistant Jashim, Accounts Office Assistant Md. Fakhrul Islam, and Security Guard Mizanur Rahman.
November 26, 2024: A case was filed at Dhaka’s Kotwali Police Station against 253 people, including 9 teachers of Jagannath University (JnU), for the alleged attempted murder by shooting of JnU student Onik during the student movement. The accused teachers include Professor Dr. Md. Zakaria Mia (Life Sciences), Dr. Sheikh Mashrick Hasan (Finance), former Proctors Md. Jahangir Alam and Mostafa Kamal, former Assistant Proctor Newton Howlader, Chairman Md. Shofiqul Islam (Accounting), Professor Milton Biswas (Bengali), Assistant Professor Kamrun Nahar Lipi (Anthropology), and Professor Shamsul Kabir (Islamic History and Culture).
February 11, 2025: In a case regarding a 2018 student torture incident at Bangladesh University of Engineering and Technology (BUET), former Vice-Chancellor Dr. Satya Prasad Majumder was accused alongside Chhatra League leaders. Dr. Majumder was the Director of Student Welfare at the time of the incident.
March 6, 2025: A case was filed against 193 people, including professors, associate professors, and officials of Jagannath University, following an incident where Sujon Molla, former General Secretary of JnU Chhatra Dal, was shot during the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement. Sheikh Hasina was named as the primary accused. Other accused include Obaidul Quader, Asaduzzaman Khan Kamal, Anisul Huq, Arafat A. Rahman, and Sheikh Fazle Noor Taposh. Additionally, 10 JnU teachers were accused, including retired Professors Dr. Arun Kumar Goswami and Dr. Anwara Begum, Professor Dr. Zakaria Mia, former Proctor Dr. Mostafa Kamal, Assistant Proctor Newton Howlader, Professor Milton Biswas, Professor Dr. Kamal Hossain, Associate Professors Faruk Ahmed and Augustine Purification, and Assistant Professor Abu Saleh Sekender. Five JnU officials were also named, including Officers'
Association President Kazi Monir and Deputy Registrars Altaf Hossain and Imran Hossain Emon.
May 4, 2025: Rashed Khan, General Secretary of Gono Odhikar Parishad, filed a case against the then-DU administration and several Chhatra League-Awami League leaders for allegedly harassing him with "false" cases during the 2018 quota reform movement. The case names 13 individuals and 500 unidentified Chhatra League activists. The accused include former DU VC Professor Md. Akhtaruzzaman, former Proctor and later VC Professor Maksud Kamal, and former Pro-VC Professor Muhammad Abdus Samad.
May 5, 2025: A case was filed against 130 individuals, including teachers and officials of Jatiya Kabi Kazi Nazrul Islam University (JKKNIU) in Trishal, Mymensingh, for allegedly opposing the July-August movement. Another 70 to 80 unidentified persons were also accused. Ashikur Rahman, a former joint convener of the university’s Chhatra Dal unit and alumnus of the Bengali department, filed the case.
Notable accused include Assistant Registrars Zakibul Hasan, Ibrahim Kabir, and Enayet Kabir; Deputy Director Mahamudul Ahsan; PD Jobayer Hossain; Professor Mosharrat Shabnam (Music); Assistant Professor Hirok Mushfiq; Professor Nazrul Islam (Economics); and Associate Professor Sanjoy Kumar Mukherjee (Public Administration), among others.
Data Analysis
Analysis of the data published in the media reveals the following trends between August 5, 2024, and December 31, 2025:
Legal Harassment: Approximately 120 teachers from various public universities were implicated in various criminal cases during this period.
Mass Accusations: Cases often followed a pattern of "mass filing," where dozens of university personnel (teachers, registrars, and security guards) were named in a single FIR alongside high-profile political figures.
Political Motivation: A significant number of cases were filed by leaders or former leaders of student political wings (e.g., Chhatra Dal) or coordinators of the protest movements.
Retrospective Cases: Several cases were filed for incidents occurring years prior (e.g., 2018), targeting former administrative heads such as Vice- Chancellors and Proctors.
Inconsistencies: Reports highlight instances where teachers were accused of being present at a crime scene despite being physically out of the country (e.g., India) at the time of the incident.
May 29, 2025: A court ordered the imprisonment of former Jagannath University (JnU) Professor S.M. Anwara Begum in a case involving an attempted murder during the July movement. The case against her was filed at the Sutrapur Police Station in the capital. The Sutrapur Police informed the court that on July 19 of the previous year, shots were fired at protesters and Chhatra Dal activists during the Anti- Discrimination Student Movement in front of Star Hotel near Raisaheb Bazar. This incident was allegedly carried out by JnU Chhatra League activists under the direct instigation of pro-Awami League teachers of the university. During the event, Sujon Molla, the General Secretary of JnU Chhatra Dal, was shot in the eye, causing severe bleeding. Sujon Molla filed the case as the plaintiff on February 16. The investigating officer informed the court in writing that Anwara Begum was involved in the incident. Anwara Begum is a valiant Freedom Fighter. She was a professor in the Political Science department at Jagannath University and a former member of the Bangladesh Public Service Commission (PSC). She retired in 2021 after 35 years of teaching at the university.
August 23, 2025: A court sent Mahmudur Rahman Jony, a former Assistant Proctor and former Assistant Professor of the Public Health and Informatics department at Jahangirnagar University (JU), to jail. He was arrested during a 3:00 AM raid on a flat in the Bank Town area of Savar.
According to the case details, on August 5 of the previous year, Arifur Rahman alias Russel, a joint convener of Dhaka Metropolitan East Chhatra Dal, participated in the movement at the Muktir Mor area under Savar Police Station. Russel was injured by gunfire from the accused at 4:30 PM that day and was later declared dead at the hospital. On September 16 of the previous year, the victim’s brother, Saidur Rahman, filed a murder case at Savar Police Station. Mahmudur Rahman Jony is a suspected accused in this case.
October 3, 2024: On September 29, Sajjadul Islam, an English department student at Jahangirnagar University, filed a case at Ashulia Police Station. The case named 14 individuals, including two former Vice-Chancellors and the Proctor, alongside 200 unidentified persons. Professor Farid of the Philosophy department was named as the 8th accused. On October 4, a group of students detained him at the Jagannath University campus and handed him over to the police. He was shown arrested in Sajjadul’s case the following day and sent to court.
November 19, 2024: A court sent Shariful Islam, the former Proctor of Begum Rokeya University, Rangpur (BRUR), on remand in the Abu Sayed murder case. The Police Bureau of Investigation (PBI) had detained Shariful Islam, an Associate Professor of the Political Science department, from his residence in the city's Chortola Mor area the previous night.
July 11, 2025: Police arrested Professor Abul Barkat, former Chairman of the Economics department at Dhaka University and former Chairman of Janata Bank, from the
Dhanmondi area of the capital. There is a case against him filed by the Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC). Based on this, the Detective Branch (DB) conducted a raid to arrest him.
August 28, 2025: Professor Sheikh Hafizur Rahman Karzon of the Dhaka University Law Department and 16 others were arrested from a roundtable event organized by "Mancha 71" at the Dhaka Reporters' Unity (DRU). On Friday, while being moved from the courtroom to the lockup, Professor Karzon said, "We are victims of terrorism; they will kill us." At that time, he held up the Constitution and expressed his resolve to "save" Bangladesh.
Data Analysis
Analysis of information published in various media outlets indicates that between August 5, 2024, and December 31, 2025:
Total Arrests: At least 9 teachers and 7 officials from various public universities were arrested.
Detention Status: While a few have secured bail, the majority remain in custody.
Primary Charges: The arrests are largely based on:
Murder/Attempted Murder: Cases stemming from the July-August student uprising.
Instigation: Allegations of inciting student political wings (BCL) to attack protesters.
Corruption: Charges filed by the Anti- Corruption Commission (e.g., Prof. Abul Barkat).
Nature of Detentions: In several instances, teachers were first "detained" by students on campus and subsequently handed over to law enforcement to be "shown arrested" in existing cases.
Profiles of the Accused: The arrested individuals include high-profile academics, including former PSC members, head of the departments, and proctorial body members..
Dismissal, Suspension, Cases, Arrests, and Harassment of University Officials
Alongside teachers, a significant number of officials at various levels in public universities also faced harassment. Cases of murder and attempted murder were filed against them, some were dismissed from their jobs, and others faced various forms of persecution, including the withholding of salaries and benefits.
November 17, 2025: Following the death sentence verdict against the ousted Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina at the International Crimes Tribunal, Muhammad Lovelu Mollah Shishir, a Deputy Registrar at Dhaka University, posted a photocard featuring Sheikh Hasina's image on his Facebook profile. It was inscribed with "Joy Bangla, Joy Bangabandhu, I don't care." Following this, a group of Dhaka University students gathered in front of his residence, and after a mob- like situation led to his detention, he was handed over to Shahbagh Police Station.
The following day, November 18, Lovelu Mollah was shown arrested and sent to jail in a case filed five and a half months earlier involving a procession by the Awami League and its affiliated organizations. Later, upon the police's application, the court granted a 3-day remand for him.
Data Analysis
Based on an analysis of information published in various media outlets, the following observations can be made regarding university officials and employees between August 5, 2024, and December 31, 2025:
Scale of Harassment: Approximately 125 officials and employees across public universities faced various degrees of harassment.
Legal Measures: Similar to the teachers, officials were implicated in retrospective cases or cases involving "financing" or "instigating" banned organizations.
Digital Surveillance: Social media activity (such as Facebook posts) became a major catalyst for student-led "mobs" and subsequent police arrests.
Nature of Consequences: Beyond legal action, many officials faced administrative penalties, including suspension and the suspension of financial benefits, often without formal disciplinary proceedings.
Disruption of Students' Educational Lives
August 29, 2024: 39 students from various batches of Dinajpur M Abdur Rahim Medical College were temporarily expelled on charges of involvement in various crimes. The decision was made during a meeting of the college’s Academic Council. These students were suspended from the campus and hostels and declared persona non grata pending the investigation committee's report and final sentencing. The accused students were associated with Chhatra League politics.
September 1, 2024: Authorities at Sylhet MAG Osmani Medical College (SOMC) penalized 19 students on various charges, including opposing the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement. Among them, 17 were declared persona non grata from the halls for life and received punishments including three-month suspensions; the remaining two were served show-cause notices. One expelled student told the media, "The points cited for our expulsion are all false.
Many sought forgiveness, but it wasn't granted. The rules for expulsion were not followed."
October 1, 2024: Rajshahi Medical College authorities penalized 20 students for various allegations, including the torture of general students during the Awami League government's tenure. Nineteen of them were expelled from the hostel and barred from all academic activities, including classes and exams, for six months to one year. One student was merely reprimanded. The penalized students were leaders and activists of the Chhatra League.
October 19, 2024: A leader of the Islamic University (IU) unit of the Chhatra League was assaulted while attempting to sit for an exam. The incident occurred at the Gagan Harkara Gallery room of the Rabindra-Nazrul Arts Building. Facing student protests, the proctorial body and coordinators of the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement removed the leader, Abdul Alim, from the exam hall and handed him over to the police.
October 24, 2024: Students Hasan Saidi and Kazi Shihab Uddin Toimur became victims of a "mob" when they arrived for exams at Dhaka University’s (DU) Institute of Leather Engineering and Technology. Police later arrived and showed them as arrested.
October 27, 2024: Jannatul Ferdous Tamanna Pia, a leader of the banned organization Chhatra League, was assaulted and handed over to the police while appearing for an exam at Rajshahi Government Women's College. Pia, a second- year undergraduate student of Rajshahi College, was seen chanting "Joy Bangla" during the incident. Police later showed her arrested in an explosives case.
October 28, 2024: 75 students of Chattogram Medical College were expelled for various terms for "criminal activities"; most were activists of the Chhatra League, which was banned by the interim government. Another 11 students were "punished" by requiring their parents to sign a bond. Out of these 86 individuals, 14 are intern doctors and 17 are BDS students.
January 23, 2025: Chattogram University (CU) authorities expelled 84 students for attacking the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement and assaulting a journalist. Most of the expelled students were members of the banned Chhatra League and were suspended for one year. Pro-Vice- Chancellor (Administration) Professor Dr. Kamal Uddin stated that further investigation could lead to permanent expulsion if serious crimes are proven.
February 4, 2025: The Bangladesh University of Engineering and Technology (BUET) administration took disciplinary action against 60 students for their links to the Chhatra League. Eight were expelled for life, while others received suspensions ranging from two to six semesters.
March 17, 2025: Dhaka University temporarily expelled 128 students for involvement in violence between July 15 and August 5. Later, an investigation committee found 275 more involvements, bringing the total to 403. A notice asked why they should not be permanently expelled.
March 18, 2025: 289 Chhatra League activists were temporarily expelled from Jahangirnagar University (JU) for attacks on students. Vice-Chancellor Professor Mohammad Kamrul Ahsan stated that certificates of former students would be withheld, and results of those who completed exams would be suspended. On August 4, 2025, the syndicate finalized life-term expulsions for 64 current students and the cancellation of certificates for 73 former students.
April 15, 2025: Chhatra Dal activists assaulted a former Statistics student named Shaon Hossain at Chattogram University, placed a garland of shoes around his neck, and handed him to the police over allegations of Chhatra League ties.
May 5, 2025: Masud Rana, a Master's student and Chhatra League convener at Jamalpur Science and Technology University, was harassed and arrested by police while attempting to take an exam. Students forced him out of the exam hall, attempted to put a garland of shoes on him, and later handed him over to Melandah police.
September 11, 2025: Haji Mohammad Danesh Science and Technology University (HSTU) penalized 79 students for violence. 41 students in "Category A" faced certificate cancellation and life-term expulsion for armed attacks. One student, Sujan Sarkar, claimed on social media that he hadn't even visited the university since 2023 due to work and was shocked to see his name on the list.
September 25, 2025: Shahjalal University of Science and Technology (SUST) expelled 20 students for life and 17
students temporarily for attacks on students during the July uprising.
Arrest of School Students: On November 20, 2025, during the start of secondary school annual exams, 14-year-old Imran Hossain Mia (Roll 48, Class 8) of Dhalua High School in Cumilla was arrested on suspicion of Chhatra League involvement. He was sent to jail under the Special Powers Act and Anti-Terrorism Act.
It is not possible to specify exactly how many students' academic lives have been disrupted across the country due to a combination of factors, including the cancellation of studentship by institutions, suspension of certificates, denial of exam opportunities, expulsion from residential halls, arrests by police, and the inability to attend educational institutions for fear of mob violence. In Bangladesh, there are 53 public universities, 110 private universities, 653 government colleges, 4,000 private colleges, and 50 government polytechnic institutes.
Even if there are an average of 20 victims per institution, the number of students whose academic lives have been disrupted is at least 100,000. Reports published in the media during this period also support this figure.
Following the political transition in August 2024, the Bangladeshi educational sector experienced a period of "unprecedented anarchy". This report summarizes the systemic harassment of faculty and the broad disruption of academic life for students across primary, secondary, and tertiary institutions.
1. Secondary and College-Level Impact
Scale of Harassment: Approximately 3,500 teachers from 2,000 private institutions were targeted. • Physical & Medical Toll: At least 500 teachers were injured or fell ill due to harassment. • Financial Instability:1,000 teachers have faced the total stoppage of salaries and allowances. • Administrative Crisis (Dhaka District): In just 16 days (Aug 11-27, 2024), 36 headteachers lost their positions; 20 were explicitly forced to resign.
2. Public University Leadership Collapse
Leadership Vacuum:40 out of 53 public university Vice-Chancellors (VCs) were forced to resign.
Total Affected: Approximately 500 teachers and officials across public universities faced harassment.
Nature of Assault: Incidents included physical violence (slapping, pushing down stairs), forced "oath-taking," and being declared persona non grata by student groups.
3. Legal Harassment & State Action
Criminal Filings: Roughly 120 university teachers were implicated in criminal cases, including murder and attempted murder. • "Mass Filing Tactics: Legal cases often named dozens of university personnel in a single FIR, sometimes targeting individuals who were out of the country during the alleged incident. • Arrests: At least 9 teachers and 7 officials were arrested, including high-profile academics and former PSC members. • Staff Harassment:125 university officials faced harassment, often triggered by their social media activity.
4. Student Academic Disruption
Total Victims: Estimated at least 100,000 students nationwide. • Institutional Expulsions (Selected): • Dhaka University: 403 students. • Jahangirnagar University: 289+ students.
Chattogram University: 84 students. • Medical Colleges: Over 130 students expelled across Dinajpur, Sylhet, and Chattogram Medical Colleges.
5.Barriers to Education: Disruptions include lifeterm expulsions, cancellation of certificates, and "mob" violence preventing students from attending exams.
Chapter IV
Oppression Against Media and Journalists
Following the fall of the government during the July uprising, from August 5, 2024, to November 1, 2025, at least 1,073 media workers across the country were victims in approximately 476 incidents involving attacks, lawsuits, killings, threats, harassment, imprisonment, attacks on family members, destruction of homes or property, as well as layoffs, forced resignations, or dismissals.
This information was highlighted in an article published by Transparency International Bangladesh (TIB) based on media reports. On December 9, 2025, at the TIB office in the Midas Building, Dhanmondi, on the occasion of International Anti-Corruption Day, Zafar Sadiq, Deputy Coordinator of Outreach and Communication at TIB, presented the article titled "The Situation of Media in Post- Authoritarian Bangladesh."
Attacks, Vandalism, and Occupation of Media Offices
Attacks on 8 TV Channels; 6 Off-Air: August 5, 2024.
Amidst the uncontrolled violence that broke out nationwide immediately after the fall of the Awami League government, the offices of 8 TV channels in the capital, Dhaka, were attacked, vandalized, and looted. While two channels managed to handle the situation and resume broadcasting, six channels went off-air. The affected channels are: 71 TV, Somoy TV, ATN Bangla, ATN News, Gaan Bangla, Asian TV, Bijoy TV, and My TV. Additionally, "Gaan Bangla," the country's only music-based TV channel, was turned into ruins due to attacks, vandalism, and looting.
Attack on Chattogram Press Club, 20 Journalists Injured: August 14, 2024.
In the evening, a group of miscreants broke the lock of the main gate of the Chattogram Press Club with hammers and crowbars to enter. During this time, they assaulted the journalists present. The attack was led by around 30 to 40 people, including Aminul Islam, personal assistant to BNP leader Mir Mohammad Nasiruddin, and journalist Saiful Islam. Notably, the first round of attacks and vandalism at the Chattogram Press Club occurred on the afternoon of August 5, following the fall of the government.
"Ziafat" Program in front of Prothom Alo Office: November 24, 2024.
A ceremonial cow-slaughtering (Ziafat, meaning feast) and protest rally were held in front of the head office of the daily Prothom Alo under the banner of "People of Bangladesh." The participants included teachers and students from various Islamic institutes. According to the organizers, this "Ziafat" (feast) was organized to demand an apology from Prothom Alo and The Daily Star to resist Indian aggression.
Attempted Attack on 'Dainik Chattogram Pratidin' Office by Creating a Mob: February 11, 2025.
Around 2:30 PM, several groups of youths arrived in at least four buses in front of the Dainik Chattogram Pratidin office to protest and form a human chain. At one point, they attempted to enter the office, but police blocked them. The administration deployed additional police to bring the situation under control. The incident spread panic in the Jamal Khan area, causing many nearby shops to shutter. The Chattogram Pratidin authorities alleged that there was a plan to attack the media office by creating a planned "mob."
Vandalism at 'Desh Songjog' Office for Referring to Hasina as Prime Minister: May 8, 2025.
The Khulna-based local daily Desh Songjog published a press release sent by the Awami League. Following the language of the party release, the newspaper referred to Sheikh Hasina as 'Prime Minister' and former Awami League MPs as 'Members of Parliament.' Consequently, in the evening, the office was attacked, vandalized, and equipment was set on fire. Previously, on August 5, the office had been vandalized and looted, after which publication was suspended for about 15 days. Five months ago, the old office was closed, and publication resumed from a rented building in the Mirzapur area.
Occupation of Janakantha Led by NCP Leader and Former Army Officer: August 2, 2025.
At night, a group of employees declared the editor of Dainik Janakantha persona non grata and formed their own editorial board. These employees had joined the paper after the fall of the Awami League government on August 5, 2024. After the owners dismissed some of these employees, they declared the editor unwanted and filed a case against the owners at Hatirjheel Police Station in Dhaka. Shamima Khan, the editor and publisher of Janakantha, alleged that the Janakantha building was "illegally occupied by creating a mob" through a conspiracy on Saturday night. Her allegations were directed against retired Major Afizur Rahman, Chief Operating Officer of Globe Janakantha Industrial Family, Joynal Abedin (Shishir), Joint Convener of the National Civic Party (NCP) and the paper's planning advisor, and several BNP and Jamaat-e-Islami leaning journalists.
Attack, Looting, and Arson at Prothom Alo Head Office: December 18, 2025.
After news of the death of Inqilab Mancha spokesperson Sharif Osman Hadi spread, a group of people marched from Shahbagh toward Karwan Bazar. The procession surrounded the Prothom Alo office and began protesting. Although police officers present tried to calm the protesters, they could not control the situation. At one point, the mob began vandalizing the Prothom Alo office with sticks, breaking most of the window panes. Around midnight, a portion of the protesters entered the office, dragged out tables, chairs, and important documents onto the street, and set them on fire. Witnesses reported that during the vandalism and arson, protesters chanted slogans such as "Inqilab Inqilab, Zindabad Zindabad," "Naraye Takbir," and "Allahu Akbar." The control room, Prothoma Prokashon, Prothoma.com, advertising, accounts, and Chorki departments were completely gutted by fire. Besides the head office, attacks occurred at Prothom Alo offices in three other districts (Kushtia, Khulna, and Sylhet) that night. Attacks were also attempted at the Chattogram and Bogura offices.
Attack, Looting, and Arson at Daily Star Building: December 18, 2025.
After Prothom Alo, the attackers moved toward The Daily Star building. After vandalizing the premises, they set it on fire. While the lower three floors were burning, media workers took refuge on the roof to save their lives. Although the Fire Service set out after receiving the news, they faced obstacles on the way, delaying the rescue. Meanwhile, attackers were seen looting various items, including computers. By 2:30 AM, the Fire Service rescued 10 trapped media workers from The Daily Star building using a crane. At least 30 more journalists remained trapped on the roof. Trapped journalist Zaima Islam wrote on Facebook around
1:00 AM: "I can't breathe anymore. Too much smoke everywhere. I'm stuck inside. You are killing me." Finally, at 4:00 AM, everyone managed to exit the charred building without any loss of life. Nurul Kabir, President of the Executive Committee of the Editors' Council and Editor of New Age, was harassed while trying to dissuade the protesters. He was seen being pushed in the back and having his hair pulled.
Mass Murder and Attempted Murder Cases Against Journalists
On November 2, 2025 — approximately 15 months after Dr. Yunus's interim government took office, "The Daily Star Bangla" published a report titled: "Journalists Trapped in Legal Complexities, Cases Against at Least 296." The Daily Star is considered a pro-government media outlet under the current administration.
The report states: "After speaking with journalists in 27 districts across the country, The Daily Star has learned that charges have been brought against at least 101 people for murder, 22 for attempted murder, and 112 for various allegations including vandalism and explosives-related offenses. The actual number could be higher, as The Daily
Star could not confirm the legal sections of some cases. At least 18 journalists have been arrested since the mass uprising."
The actual number is indeed higher. On July 7, 2025, a statement signed by 51 journalists was published in the daily Prothom Alo. It claimed that over the past 11 months, at least 412 journalists across the country had been named in various harassing cases, including blanket murder charges. Among them are veteran journalists like Shahriar Kabir, Iqbal Sobhan Chowdhury, and Manjurul Ahsan Bulbul, as well as local correspondents like Ziaur Rahman Jiban (Kendua Upazila representative for Daily Ittefaq) and Md. Moktadir Hossain (Manikchhari representative for Daily Arthonoti).
During the July violence, a youth named Naim was shot dead in Jatrabari. In the murder case filed at Jatrabari Police Station regarding his death, there are 500 accused, including three journalists. On the afternoon of August 5, 2024, plastic factory worker Md. Akkas Ali was also shot dead. 115 people were accused in the Akkas Ali murder case, 14 of whom are journalists. Regarding this, his brother Abdur Razzak said, "We are ordinary people. We don't know how to file a case. A local BNP ward councillor came to help me. He and his people wrote everything down. I don't know whose names they included in the case."
Jobayer Omar Khan, a law student at the Bangladesh University of Professionals (BUP), was killed on August 5, 2024. Two journalists are among the many accused in the murder case filed over this incident. Jobayer's family stated that lawyers supported by BNP or Jamaat-e-Islami helped them file the case and prepared the list of the accused.
One father filed cases against journalists following his son's death. Speaking on condition of anonymity, he said, "Now this case has become a headache for me. People I don't even know are calling me repeatedly, requesting to have their names removed. I have left Dhaka because of the phone calls." He added, "After my son died, local politicians came and pressured me to file a case. I just went with them. They wrote everything, and I just signed. I heard my son's case is now being used for extortion."
In addition to general courts, journalists have also been accused in the International Crimes Tribunal (ICT). On the afternoon of August 5, Nasib Hasan Riyan, son of Golam Razzak, was killed by gunfire during a victory procession on Shyamoli Ring Road. On August 29, Abdur Razzak filed a complaint with the ICT alleging "genocide" against 53 people, including Sheikh Hasina and 32 journalists.
After Dhaka, the highest number of journalists accused is in Sylhet, with 39. Among them, only two had links to the Awami League. According to The Daily Star's investigation, a maximum of 20% of the accused journalists had any affiliation with the Awami League.
Notably, not all cases are related to the mass uprising. Idris Ali, former publication secretary of the BNP’s Moulvibazar district unit, filed a case in Sreemangal on November 18, 2024. He alleged that 10 journalists exploded bombs during the distribution of PPE at the Press Club in June 2020. Even though no explosion occurred there that day,
Chowdhury Bhaskar Hom, the local correspondent for RTV, was arrested in this case on November 17, 2024, and was released on bail from the High Court in January 2025.
In January 2025, the international human rights organization Human Rights Watch (HRW) expressed concern in a report regarding these blanket cases against journalists. Earlier, in September 2024, the Bangladesh Crime Reporters Association (CRAB) strongly protested and condemned the indiscriminate murder cases against journalists. In a statement on September 14, the Editors' Council said, "Such cases are equivalent to the abuse of existing laws and a violation of the interim government's commitment to independent journalism."
However, on June 26, 2025, Law Adviser Professor Asif Nazrul stated during a discussion that the Ministry of Law does not have the jurisdiction to stop cases against journalists, even in instances of serious allegations like murder, because anyone in Bangladesh can file a case.
The Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ), an international organization working for the rights of journalists worldwide, found in a review of legal documents and reports that journalists' names are often added to FIRs long after they are recorded. Farzana Rupa, former Chief Reporter of the private Ekattor Television, faces 9 murder cases, while her husband, Shakil Ahmed, the channel's former Head of News, faces eight. Shashi, daughter of Vhorer Kagoj Editor Shyamal Dutta, told CPJ that the family has lost track of how many cases are currently pending against her father. They are aware of at least six murder cases involving Shyamal Dutta. The family of Mozammel Babu, Editor-in-Chief of Ekattor Television, knows of 10 cases. The families of Farzana Rupa and Shakil Ahmed told CPJ they haven't received the FIRs for five cases where one or both journalists are mentioned, meaning they cannot even apply for bail.
CPJ emailed the Chief Adviser's Press Secretary, Shafiqul Alam, and police spokesperson Enamul Haque Sagar for comment on the matter, but the CPJ article noted that they did not respond.
Arrest of Journalists and Media Workers
In addition to the mass murder and attempted murder cases, at least 39 journalists have been arrested. These range from veteran journalists like Shahriar Kabir to upazila-level correspondents. While some have been released on bail after serving various terms, many remain imprisoned.
Shahriar Kabir
A prominent journalist, writer, and child littérateur, Shahriar Kabir began his career in 1972 at the weekly Bichitra, later serving as its Executive Editor until 1992. He is also a documentary filmmaker and the president of the Ghatak Dalal Nirmul Committee.
Kabir was arrested from his home on September 17, 2024. He was initially placed on a 7-day remand for the murder of a domestic worker named Liza, who was killed by gunfire on July 18 during the anti-discrimination movement. Later, he was remanded for another two days in a case involving the death of Rafiqul Islam in Jatrabari. On January 12, 2026, the International Crimes Tribunal (ICT) directed his appearance regarding crimes against humanity, with prosecutors labeling him a "controller of the Shapla killings."
In November 2025, the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) Working Group published a 12-page report stating that legal standards were violated in his arrest. The report described his detention as "arbitrary" and called for his release and compensation. The UNHRC noted that speaking on talk shows (the basis of some allegations) falls under freedom of expression and the interim government failed to prove how his speech incited violence. The report also suggested that his documentaries against extremist ideologies and his demand for war crimes trials had created "strong political enemies."
Mozammel Babu
The Managing Director of Ekattor TV and President of the Editors Guild, Bangladesh, Mozammel Babu was arrested on September 16, 2024, near the Dhobaura border in Mymensingh. He had been in hiding since the fall of the government. He was named by protesters in a list of 51 journalists accused of "anti-state activities under the guise of journalism." He was remanded in multiple murder cases, including the deaths of student Naim Haowladar and domestic worker Liza. On August 10, 2025, while already in custody, he was further arrested in an extortion case.
Shyamal Dutta
The Editor of Vhorer Kagoj and General Secretary of the National Press Club, Shyamal Dutta, was also arrested on September 16, 2024, at the Dhobaura border. Previously, on August 6, he and his family were turned back from Akhaura Immigration while attempting to enter India. He was placed on a 7-day remand for the murder of a man named Fazlu in Bhashantek. Dutta remains in prison as his bail has been denied.
Farzana Rupa and Shakil Ahmed
This journalist couple from Ekattor TV was detained at Hazrat Shahjalal International Airport on August 21, 2024, while attempting to travel to Paris. They were arrested in connection with the death of Fazlul Karim in Uttara and later remanded in multiple other murder cases, including that of a garment worker and another individual in Mirpur. On March 5, 2025, while being moved to jail under police protection, Rupa stated: "A single case is enough to stop a journalist. Why file so many? I am not even getting bail during Ramadan. What could be worse than this?"
Munni Saha
The television presenter and journalist was arrested on November 30, 2024, after being subjected to "mob terror" outside the Vision-2021 Tower in Karwan Bazar. She was arrested in connection with two murder cases filed in Jatrabari and Mirpur. While in DB custody, she suffered a panic attack. She was released to her family the following day on the condition that she would apply for bail and appear in court whenever required.
Monjurul Alam Panna
On August 28, 2025, a roundtable discussion titled "Our Great Liberation War and the Constitution of Bangladesh" organized by 'Mancha 71' was attacked by a mob. Instead of taking action against the attackers, police detained the organizers and speakers, including journalist Monjurul Alam Panna. They were charged under the Anti-Terrorism Act. Panna was produced in court in handcuffs, a bulletproof jacket, and a helmet. Raising his handcuffed hands, he told reporters: "Journalists write against terrorists and the corrupt with these hands. Look, my hands are now in handcuffs." He was released on bail on November 12, 2025.
Anis Alamgir
Senior journalist Anis Alamgir was picked up from a gym in Dhanmondi on December 14, 2025, and later arrested under the Anti-Terrorism Act. He was accused of "spreading propaganda to bring back the Awami League" via social media and talk shows. Recently, he had become a vocal critic of the interim government’s activities. He was placed on a five-day remand. He was released on bail on March 14, 2026.
Other Media Workers Arrested under the Interim Government
(Based on various media reports)
Editors/Publishers: Sheikh Mohammad Jamal Hossain (Dainik Mukhopatro), Anisur Rahman Sohag (Dainik Matribhumi), Abu Hashem Raja (Dainik Amar Sangbad), Habibur Rahman (Dainik Satnadi).
Media Executives: Arif Hassan (MD, Desh TV), Kaushik Hossain Taposh (CEO, Gaan Bangla TV).
District/Upazila Correspondents: Molla Jalal (BFUJE leader), Ibrahim Khalil (Nawabganj), Mobarak Biswas (Pabna), Shahidul Islam Philips (Sirajganj), Mahmud Hasan (Kushtia), Mirza Mahmud Hossain (Narail), Mehedi Hasan Nadim (Mymensingh), Mosharraf Hossain Babu (Nakla), Noor Hossain (Nakla), Nadim Haider (Munshiganj), Chowdhury Bhaskar Hom (Sreemangal), Raihanuddin Suman (Baniyachong), Kamruzzaman Al Riad (Shaistaganj), Abdur Rahim Sabuj (Shaistaganj), Abul Hossain Ripon (Sonagazi), Pradip Chowdhury (Khagrachari), Russell Chowdhury (Cox's Bazar), Tofael Ahmad (Khagrachari), Mehedi Hasan Riad (Khagrachari), Moktadir Hossain (Manikchhari), KM Jiaus Sadat (Khulna), Kamruzzaman Tipu Sultan (Tala), Monirul Islam (Kuakata), Jannatul Ferdous Jihan (Narayanganj), Shawkat Mithun (Narayanganj).
Others: Freelance journalist and activist Sabbir Hossain.
Killing of Journalists and Unusual Deaths
Between the anti-government movement in mid-July 2024 and the fall of the government on August 5, six journalists were killed. Five of them died from police gunfire while performing their professional duties.
Deaths During the Unrest
1. Hasan Mehedi (July 18, 2024): A staff reporter for Dhaka Times, he was the first journalist to be killed, shot in the head in the Jatrabari area.
2. Shakil Hossain (July 18, 2024): A correspondent for Daily Bhorer Awaj, he was fatally shot in the Uttara area.
3. Abu Taher Muhammad Turab (July 19, 2024): The Sylhet correspondent for Daily Naya Diganta, he was killed by police fire in Sylhet city while wearing a press vest.
4. Tahir Zaman Priyo (July 19, 2024): A freelance photojournalist, he was shot dead in the Dhanmondi area.
5. Sohel Akhunji (August 5, 2024): A correspondent for Daily Localay Barta, he was killed in front of Baniyachong Police Station in Habiganj.
6. Pradip Kumar Roy (August 4, 2024): A correspondent for Daily Khoborpatra, he was beaten to death by protesters at the Rayganj Press Club in Sirajganj. Unlike the others, he has not yet received official recognition as a "July Martyr" or government compensation.
Murders and Unusual Deaths Post-August 5
Following the change in government, several other journalists and media workers met with tragic and often violent ends.
1. Rahanuma Sarah (August 28, 2024): A newsroom editor at G-TV, her body was recovered from Hatirjheel lake in Dhaka.
2. Tanjil Jahan Islam Tamim (October 10, 2024): A broadcast officer for Deepto TV, he was beaten to death over a land dispute involving a developer company and a local political leader.
3. Swapan Kumar Bhadra (October 12, 2024): Vice President of Tarakanda Press Club, he was hacked to death in front of his home in Mymensingh, allegedly by drug dealers he had reported on.
4. Khondokar Shah Alam (June 25, 2025): The Nabinnagar correspondent for Daily Matrijagat, he was beaten to death in public by a man who had previously been jailed due to Shah Alam’s reporting.
5. Asaduzzaman Tuhin (August 7, 2025): A staff reporter for Daily Protidiner Kagoj, he was hacked to death in Gazipur while filming a chase involving local criminals.
6. Bibhu Ranjan Sarkar (August 21, 2025): A veteran journalist and assistant editor at Ajker Patrika, he went missing after leaving his office. His body was found floating in the Meghna river. Before his disappearance, he wrote a "Open Letter" citing extreme pressure and intimidation against independent journalism under the interim administration.
7. Wahed-uz-Zaman Bulu (August 30, 2025): A senior staff reporter for Daily Sangbad Protidin, his body was recovered from under the Rupsha Bridge in Khulna with injury marks on his face and hand.
8. Imdadul Haque Milon (December 18, 2025): President of Sholua Press Club, he was shot dead by unidentified assailants at a tea stall in Khulna.
Mob Attacks and Planned Violence Against Journalists
Since August 5, 2024, journalists across the country have systematically fallen victim to mob justice and planned terror attacks. According to available data, a total of 723 journalists (up to November 2025) have been subjected to attacks, torture, and humiliation. Here is the detailed chronological record:
August 2024
August 7: M. Suruzzaman, the finance secretary of Nalitabari Press Club and correspondent for Daily Janakantha, was a victim of a terrorist attack in Sherpur. Terrorists struck him randomly with iron rods, looted his shop, and burned his motorcycle.
August 14: 20 journalists were injured at the Chittagong Press Club. A group of miscreants led by Aminul Islam (PA to BNP leader Mir Mohammad Nasiruddin) and journalist Saiful Islam attacked the club, leaving at least 20 media workers wounded.
Monthly Summary: According to the report by the human rights organization ‘Manadhikar Sanskriti Foundation (MSF)’, a total of 37 journalists were victims of attacks, torture, and harassment this month.
September 2024
September 20: After confirming their professional identities, a group of miscreants severely beat Billal Hossain, the Narayanganj correspondent for Desh TV, and Arif Hossain, camera person for Gazi TV.
September 30: Following a report titled ‘Doubts about food-friendly rice distribution in Pirgacha, BNP leaders on guard,’ Ekramul Islam, the Pirgacha (Rangpur) correspondent for Jugantor, was attacked by terrorists led by Raihan, the convener of Pirgacha Sadar Union Swechasebak Dal.
Monthly Summary: According to MSF, a total of 37 journalists were victims of attacks, torture, and harassment in 17 separate incidents this month.
October 2024
8. October 4: Gazi Sadeq, assistant editor of Daily Jugantor, was injured in a terrorist attack while trying to prevent a mugging. The incident occurred at night in the Kuril Bishwa Road area of Pragati Sarani.
9. October 9: Jamuna TV's Mymensingh Bureau Chief Hossein Shahid and camera person Delwar Hossain were attacked while performing professional duties. The camera person's right arm was broken during the beating.
10. October 23: In Koyra, Khulna, the wife and child of Vhorer Kagoj journalist Sirajuddoula Lincoln were beaten and their house looted after attackers failed to find him. Lincoln stated that following a protest under the banner of anti-discrimination students where a university student spoke against him, his house was attacked under that student's leadership.
11. Monthly Summary: According to MSF, a total of 32 journalists were victims of attacks, torture, and harassment this month.
November 2024
November 1: Ramzan Ali Rana, correspondent for Daily Shomoyer Alo, was seriously injured in an attack by sand-lifters in Companyganj, Noakhali.
November 11: Ikramul Kabir, correspondent for Amar Sangbad in Daulatpur, Khulna city, was seriously injured in a terrorist attack.
November 16: Shahidul Islam Nirab, district correspondent for The Daily Star, was seriously injured in an attack by miscreants in Sarishabari, Jamalpur. The attackers mistook a student union
conference for a political event and attacked with sticks; Nirab was targeted even after identifying himself as a journalist.
November 17: In Rupganj, Narayanganj, a student leader attacked journalist Jahangir Mahmud of Daily Kalbela for publishing a report and refusing to pay extortion money, crushing his head and body with bricks.
November 17: Members of the university branch of Student Dal beat Md. Junayet Sheikh, the Kaler Kantho university correspondent, for filming a fight among students at Jagannath University (JnU).
November 22: A group of terrorists attacked the house of Mohammad Rafiqul Islam, the Lakshmipur district correspondent for Khoborer Kagoj.
Monthly Summary: According to MSF, a total of 31 journalists were victims of attacks, torture, and harassment this month.
December 2024
December 22: In Tangail, followers of the Jubayer faction attacked journalists during a live broadcast of a protest for mentioning the term "Jubayer- panthi." Injured were Sohail Talukder (DBC News), Ashikur Rahman (Video Journalist), Masud Rana
(Channel 24), Alok Kumar Das (Channel S), and Molla Tofazzal (BD News).
December 24: Yunus Sharif, the Bhola correspondent for Daily Amar Desh, was seriously injured in an attack by volunteers during a rally in Bhola city.
December 25: Attacks were reported against four journalists including the editor and managing editor of Daily Janabani. Injured at their office in Banglamotor were Editor Shafiqul Islam, Managing Editor Raju Ahmed Shah, Special Correspondent Bashir Hossain Khan, and Online Editor Ataur Hossain.
December 30: Syed Sajibur Rahman Sajib, Narayail correspondent for Somoy TV, was seriously injured in an attack by muggers identifying as security agents on the Sheikh Russel Bridge.
Note: While MSF published a full annual report, various sources confirm that the number of journalists attacked in December 2024 was no less than 11.
January 2025
January 5: Arif Hossain Haris, the Sirajdikhan correspondent for Daily Lakhokantho, was abducted and beaten in Munshiganj following the publication of a news report.
January 8: A terrorist attack was carried out on journalist Hasan Bhuiyan in Madhabpur, Habiganj. He currently works as the local correspondent for Jayjaykal and Samachar.
January 19: Three journalists were victims of torture by army personnel in Madaripur while gathering news. The injured are Belal Rizvi (Bangladesh Pratidin), Emdad Khan (Bangladesh Today), and Shahadat Hossain Jewel (Madaripur Samachar). They were filming vandalism during a clash when an army team launched an unprovoked attack; the personnel became more aggressive when the victims identified as journalists and warned them not to escalate the matter.
January 27: Seven journalists, including Ramzan Ali of Uttarbanga Pratidin, were attacked and beaten while collecting news on pond excavation in Paba, Rajshahi. The attack was led by local political cadres.
January 31: Zainal Abedin Joy, Jamuna TV’s correspondent, was attacked by miscreants while performing professional duties at the International Trade Fair in Rupganj.
Monthly Summary: According to MSF, a total of 31 journalists were victims of attacks, torture, and harassment this month.
February 2025
February 3: Miscreants attacked correspondents of Daily Samakal, News24, Bangla TV, and Desh TV following a report on Shariatpur Sadar Hospital. Reporter Sohag Khan Sujan was stabbed in various parts of his body during the attack in front of the Deputy Commissioner's office.
February 3: Four journalists were beaten and shot at by masked miscreants in Dattapara, Lakshmipur Sadar, including Rafiqul Islam (Khoborer Kagoj) and Alauddin (Chandraganj Press Club).
February 4: Journalist Zahirul Islam Miron of Banglavision was hacked and injured by miscreants in front of his house in Kalapara, Patuakhali.
February 5: Journalists were attacked at the Supreme Court premises by political activists. Senior Reporter Javed Akhtar (ATN News) was seriously injured and hospitalized. He stated the attack occurred because he did not recognize a specific political leader.
February 6: Reporters from Independent 24 and 71 TV were attacked while covering the demolition of a museum at Dhanmondi 32. Police did not intervene.
February 9: Journalists were attacked twice by police during a protest by MATS students in Dhaka.
Six journalists were injured by police batons, with victims claiming the charge was intentional.
February 10: Imran Hossain Monim, Maasranga Television correspondent, was hacked and beaten in Rajbari for filming a fight over a sand-quarry tender.
February 16: Photographer Imran Hossain was brutally attacked with domestic weapons in Kushtia while live-streaming the aftermath of a road accident.
February 21: Journalist Abdullah Al Mahmud was attacked in Nasirnagar for filming the beating of an activist. Attackers broke his camera and snatched his phone.
Monthly Summary: MSF recorded 38 journalists attacked or harassed this month.
March 2025
March 4: Two journalists, Mohammad Ali Jinnah Rajib and Bijoy Bain, were attacked while collecting news in Bhola city.
March 11: A police official attacked media personnel at the Natore Court premises while they were trying to take his photo after his bail was denied.
March 27: Two photographers were attacked by students in Barisal while collecting news at the
District Judge's Court. One journalist's motorcycle was burned.
Monthly Summary: MSF recorded 34 victims this month.
April 2025
1. April 2: Rafia Tamanna, a journalist for New Age, was harassed by a group of youths in Bansree, Dhaka. Her brother was beaten when he protested.
2. April 6: Sajedul Islam Selim, editor of Dainik Prantojan in Natore, had both hands broken after being beaten by attackers at a market.
3. April 6: Khorshed Alam (Maasranga TV) and Asafuddoula Niyon (Bogura Live) were attacked by a juvenile gang in Bogura.
4. April 25: Mainuddin Rubel, correspondent for bdnews24.com and Desh Rupantar, was attacked in Brahmanbaria for reporting on illegal soil cutting.
5. Monthly Summary: MSF recorded 62 victims this month.
May 2025
1 May 1: Terrorists attacked three journalists in Chittagong: Pradip Kumar Meel, Khorshedul Alam Shamim, and Shafiqul Islam Khan, after announcing the intent to attack on Facebook a day earlier.
2 May 7: Riaz Hossain of 71 TV was attacked and struck with bricks in Rupganj over previous reporting.
3 May 17: Photographer Uzzal Hossain was attacked in Savar while attempting to prevent a criminal act.
4 May 20: Political activists attacked a camera person and four other journalists during an event in Noakhali. Police present at the scene did not take action.
5 May 26: Six journalists were assaulted in Sherpur after asking the Environment Adviser questions about forest land grabbing and illegal hill cutting.
6 May 26: Political activists at Govt. Titumir College attacked journalists filming a clash, snatching phones and threatening to "tear out their tongues."
7 Monthly Summary: MSF recorded a record 101 victims this month.
June 2025
June 4: Md. Shafi, a correspondent in Comilla, was attacked by a drug-dealing gang for reporting on their activities.
June 5: Rayan Hossain of Kaler Kantho was attacked by transport workers at Mohakhali bus terminal while filming passenger harassment.
June 8: Hassan Atiq, news editor of Shomoyer Alo, was a victim of a terrorist attack in Tangail.
June 19: Md. Ohid Saiful was injured in a terrorist attack while collecting news on a land dispute in Jhalakathi.
Monthly Summary: MSF recorded 62 victims this month.
July 2025
July 1: Jihadul Islam, a correspondent in Narail, was seriously injured in an ambush while returning home.
July 12: Students at Islamic University attacked journalists Arif Billah, Rabiul Alam, and Nure Alam for filming a clash during a sports event, snatching their phones.
July 21: M.A. Salam Biswas, Daily Amar Desh correspondent, was a victim of an unprovoked attack in Rangpur.
July 30: Multiple journalists were attacked during a clash in Muradnagar. Video footage showed a reporter being hit repeatedly with an iron rod.
Monthly Summary: MSF recorded 30 victims this month.
August 2025
August 7: Anwar Hossain was brutally attacked by extortionists in Gazipur while collecting news, as police nearby remained inactive.
August 11: Zahidul Islam Anik of 71 TV survived an abduction and murder attempt in Ashulia while investigating a drug trade.
August 11: Firoz Ahmed, Press Club General Secretary in Kushtia, was seriously injured in a terrorist attack.
August 15: Journalist Moniruzzaman Sheikh Jewel was ambushed by political activists in Gopalganj.
August 15: Khorshed Alam was attacked in Sherpur by smugglers and drug dealers in retaliation for his reporting.
August 30: Redwanul Huq (DBC News) and A.Z. Bhuiyan Anas (Kalbela) were victims of a terrorist attack in Motijheel, Dhaka.
Monthly Summary: MSF recorded 96 victims this month.
September 2025
September 4: Asif Hossain Siam (Somoy TV) was attacked by lawyers inside a Dhaka courtroom during a bail hearing for another journalist.
September 4: Five journalists were injured in Rangpur when students and terrorists attacked them under the direction of school teachers.
September 11: Zakaria Al Mamun was seriously injured in an attack by armed terrorists and drug dealers in Gazipur.
September 15: Reporters in Faridpur were attacked and hacked while documenting violence during a protest; several were injured.
September 17: Liakat Ali Badal was abducted by a mob in Rangpur, taken to the City Corporation office, and tortured into claiming his recent report was false.
September 18: Ayub Khan Sarkar (Jamuna TV) and four other journalists were attacked by terrorists at a hospital in Narsingdi while covering a political clash.
September 23: Rubel Ahmed Prince was beaten in Gazipur for protesting the harassment of a young woman.
September 24: Disha Akhtar was physically assaulted and her phone snatched by a government official in Gaibandha when she went to collect information.
Monthly Summary: MSF recorded 63 victims this month.
October 2025
October 2: Eight journalists were attacked and their equipment looted during news collection in Comilla.
October 5: Hossein Ziad and a camera person from Ekhon TV were seriously injured in an attack while collecting news in Chittagong.
October 11: Five journalists were attacked by terrorists inside a health complex in Bagerhat while performing their duties.
October 12: A police official in Chittagong physically assaulted Jamuna TV reporter Zobaied Ibne Shahadat inside a police station, labeling him a "fascist."
October 14: Raju Ahmed was attacked while collecting news at the Lalon Shah shrine in Kushtia.
October 19: Liton Kumar Chowdhury was attacked by a mob in Chittagong who labeled him an "agent" of the former regime.
October 20: Mahbubur Rahman Shipon was beaten with sticks in Noakhali for reporting on illegal gambling.
October 22: Anichur Rahman (BSS) was attacked by armed men in Faridpur while trying to photograph an assault on a residence.
Monthly Summary: MSF recorded 44 victims this month.
November 2025
November 5: Journalists were attacked while collecting news in Fatullah, Narayanganj, leaving three injured.
November 8: Ehteshamul Haque and Kamrul Hossain of Daily Amar Desh were injured in an attack by miscreants in Khulna.
November 20: Five journalists were attacked in Cox's Bazar while covering a clash between workers and joint forces during a brick kiln eviction.
November 23: Multiple journalists, including Tawsif Maimun, were attacked at Titumir College during a clash between student groups.
November 27: Sirajul Islam Shishir was injured while investigating the illegal sale of government rice in Sirajganj.
November 27: Two journalists were attacked in Chapainawabganj while covering a political clash over election candidates.
November 30: Four journalists, including Motiur Rahman Selim, were attacked in Trishal, Mymensingh, by a group led by a local political leader.
Monthly Summary: MSF recorded 34 victims this month.
December 2025
December 12: Rifat Risan of Channel One was attacked at Dhaka Medical College Hospital by supporters of a political figure while trying to film.
December 14: Members of a political volunteer group attacked journalists at the Martyred Intellectuals Memorial in Mirpur, breaking cameras and injuring seven reporters.
December 15: Two journalists from Kaler Kantho were attacked at Jagannath University during a campus disturbance at midnight.
Annual Summary of 2025
According to the annual report of the Human Rights Culture Foundation (MSF), in 2025:
Journalists have not only been victims of killings, attacks, and physical torture but have also faced unprecedented harassment and arrests through various legal cases, including murder and attempted murder charges. Alongside these, job dismissal emerged as another weapon against the press.
According to a statement signed by 51 journalists published on July 7, 2025, over a thousand journalists were dismissed across the country in the 11 months between August 2024 and June 2025.
Analysis of published news data shows that the highest number of dismissals occurred at the private TV channel 71 TV, where 48 people lost their jobs. Fifteen journalists were dismissed from DBC News. Dismissals took place across almost all private television stations, including ATN Bangla, Channel i, Independent TV, Boishakhi TV, Desh TV, Bangla TV, News 24, Nagorik TV, Ekushey TV, RTV, Somoy Television, Gazi TV, and Deepto TV.
Among newspapers, the editors of Vhorer Kagoj, Bangladesh Pratidin, The Daily Sun, Amader Shomoy, Daily Kalbela, Dainik Kaler Kantho, Protidiners Bangladesh, Shomoyer Alo, Samakal, Jugantor, Desh Rupantar, and Banglanews24 were dismissed. It was not just editors and executive editors who lost their positions; reporters, presenters, and even district and upazila correspondents were terminated.
While shifts in political power often lead to changes in a journalist's influence in Bangladesh, the mass dismissal of such a high number of journalists is an unprecedented event. Due to pressure from the ruling interim government and their closely associated student coordinators, other media outlets have not dared to hire the journalists who lost their jobs.
While this trend was driven by pressure from the government and its allied political factions from the beginning, two specific incidents made the situation very clear:
The Somoy TV Incident (December 2024)
On December 25, 2024, the investment magazine Barron's reported that five journalists from a Bangladeshi television station were dismissed due to pressure on investors over allegations of "propaganda." The report stated that on December 17, Hasnat Abdullah, the convener of the Anti- Discrimination Student Movement, went to the office of City Group (the investor in Somoy TV) with 15 to 20 students. Hasnat told AFP that Somoy TV was spreading propaganda regarding his comments and giving space to the opinions of a fallen political party. The managing director of the investing business firm declined to comment.
Omar Faruq, a senior editor at Somoy TV, was among the five dismissed. He stated he received a termination letter without any cause. He told AFP that the authorities requested their resignation "for the greater good of the station." When they asked for an explanation, the authorities refused to provide one.
Ariful Sajjad, an output editor laid off from Somoy TV, wrote on Facebook: "The authorities (investor City Group) informed us that a top leader of the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement threatened them, saying 10 employees must be dismissed, otherwise they [the investors] would not survive." He added that they spoke with the Chief Adviser's Press Wing, who assured them such actions were unacceptable. However, City Group eventually proceeded with the dismissal of five employees without showing any cause.
The Cultural Affairs Adviser’s Press Conference Incident (April 2025)
On April 29, 2025, three journalists from two television channels were dismissed following "insulting" questions regarding the July Uprising during a press conference held by Cultural Affairs Adviser Mostofa Sarwar Farooki. This included two from Deepto TV and one from ATN Bangla. The news broadcast of Deepto TV was temporarily suspended without explanation. Additionally, Channel i relieved one of its journalists from duty.
The dismissed journalists were Mizanur Rahman and Mahmud Shaon (Deepto TV), Special Correspondent Md. Fazle Rabbi (ATN Bangla), and Senior Reporter Rafiqul Bashar (Channel i).
The Cultural Adviser had called the press conference at the Secretariat regarding the short film ‘Ali’ heading to the 78th Cannes Film Festival. During the Q&A session, journalists asked about various topics, including the UNESCO recognition of the ‘Ananda Shobhajatra’ (renamed from Mangal Shobhajatra), the use of masks resembling Sheikh Hasina’s face in the procession, and the death toll of the July-August uprising. The exchange turned into a heated debate.
Following this, a Facebook page named ‘July Revolutionary Alliance-JRA’ posted photos of the three journalists, labeling them as those who spoke "in favor of the fascists." A subsequent post threatened a "March to Deepto TV, Channel i, and ATN Bangla" if action was not taken against them within 24 hours. Shortly after, news arrived of the suspension of Deepto TV’s news operations and the dismissal or exemption of the three journalists. The JRA Facebook page even published the dismissal letters.
Cancellation of Press Accreditation Cards
In Bangladesh, the Ministry of Information or specific designated agencies issue Press Accreditation cards to journalists. These cards serve as an essential tool for professional media work, providing journalists with various forms of cooperation and access. A specific number of cards are allocated to different media outlets based on applications and must be updated periodically.
Possessing a Press Accreditation card allows journalists to cover government functions, press conferences, state events, and high-level political or administrative programs. It grants access to restricted areas such as the National Parliament House, the Secretariat, and other sensitive zones where general public access is limited. Furthermore, accredited journalists can maintain direct communication with the Prime Minister's Press Wing and other vital government information agencies, facilitating easier access to necessary information, clarifications, official policies, and reports.
Mass Cancellations by the Interim Government
Following the political change, the interim government began a series of cancellations:
October 29, 2024: Accreditation cards of 20 journalists were canceled in the first phase.
November 5, 2024: Cards of another 29 journalists were revoked.
November 10, 2024: A further 118 journalists had their accreditation canceled.
In total, 167 journalists lost their press accreditation across three phases. On November 11, the Editors' Council (Shampadak Parishad) issued a statement signed by President Mahfuz Anam and General Secretary Dewan
Hanif Mahmud, asserting that the wholesale cancellation of press accreditation is a barrier to the freedom of the press and a democratic environment. Other organizations, including the Newspaper Owners' Association of Bangladesh (NOAB), also expressed deep concern.
Amid widespread criticism, the government stated in December that the Press Information Department (PID) would reconsider cancellations in applicable cases. It was mentioned that any professional journalist who considered the cancellation of their card unjustified could apply in writing for a review.
Entry Restrictions at the Secretariat
In December, following a fire incident at the Secretariat, the government imposed restrictions on journalists' entry citing security reasons. The standing permission to enter the Secretariat using accreditation cards was suspended. The PID later announced that temporary passes would be issued to maintain order.
Following a significant backlash on social media, a limited list of 615 journalists was finalized, granting only them entry to the Secretariat. Other journalists, despite holding valid accreditation cards, were barred from entering, leading to widespread frustration within the community.
New Policy and Official Admission
In January, the government formed a 17-member committee to re-evaluate the Press Accreditation Policy, 2022. Based on the committee's recommendations, the interim government issued a new Press Accreditation Policy for local and foreign media professionals working in Bangladesh. However, this policy has not been effectively implemented in practice.
On June 26, 2025, during a discussion titled "Freedom of the Media: Review of the Legal Framework for Journalist Protection and Grievance Redressal," the Chief Adviser's Press Secretary, Shafiqul Alam, remarked that canceling the accreditation cards used for journalists to enter the Secretariat was a "mistake."
Data-Driven Report
The period following the political transition on August 5, 2024, is characterized by a "triple-threat" to the media: physical violence, legal criminalization, and institutional exclusion.
1. Violence and Physical Attacks
This parameter tracks the shift from revolutionary chaos to targeted intimidation.
1. Total Victims (Attacked/Tortured):723
2. Peak Violence Month:May 2025 (101 victims). This spike correlates with intensified clashes over land-grabbing reports and the controversial Titumir College incidents.
3. Fatalities: While early August 2024 saw chaos- related deaths, the formal records for 2025 identify 1 confirmed killing specifically linked to professional retaliation.
4. Perpetrator Profile: Initially dominated by "unidentified mobs," the data shows a 2025 shift toward attacks led by political cadres (BNP/Student Wings) and business interests (sand-lifters, land grabbers).
2. Legal Criminalization & Arrests
A key strategy in this tenure was the use of "Mass Murder Cases" to paralyze journalists.
Number of Journalists Facing Cases:170 (2025 only) + approximately 140 (Aug–Dec 2024) = ~310 journalists.
Nature of Charges: Predominantly Murder, Crimes Against Humanity (at the International Crimes Tribunal), and Attempted Murder.
Incarceration: At least 12 to 24 journalists remained in custody at various points throughout 2025, often facing multiple "dead of night" arrests without warrants.
3. Institutional & Regulatory Exclusion
This parameter measures the state’s direct role in limiting journalistic access.
Accreditation Revocation:167 cards canceled in three waves (Oct 29–Nov 10, 2024).
Access Restricted: By the end of 2025, only 615 journalists held permission to enter the Secretariat, effectively barring thousands of others from the administrative heart of the government.
The "Error" Admission: Despite the Press Secretary’s June 2025 admission that card cancellation was a "mistake," no data indicates a large-scale reinstatement of these cards by December 2025.
4. Economic Displacement (Dismissals)
The most widespread impact was the loss of livelihood, used as a tool for "ideological cleansing."
1. Total Dismissals: Over 1,000 journalists (Aug 2024 – June 2025).
2. Media Type Impact:
Broadcast: Private TV channels (71 TV, DBC, etc.) saw the highest volume of staff purges.
Print: Editors of 12 major national dailies were replaced or forced to resign.
3. The "Hiring Freeze": Data suggests an informal "blacklisting," where journalists dismissed under pressure from student coordinators remained unemployed through the end of 2025
Chapter V
Minority Persecution and the Denial of the Truth
Historical and functional reasons exist for the relatively close political involvement of Bangladesh's religious and ethnic minorities with the Awami League. It is not that they were entirely safe even during the Awami League's tenure, nor is it true that no one among the minorities is active in anti-Awami League politics. Nevertheless, there is a prevailing assumption in Bangladesh that religious minorities, especially the Hindu community, are affiliated with the Awami League.
The anti-quota student movement that began in July 2024 eventually transformed into a movement to topple the government, leading to the ousting of the Awami League government on August 5 through a series of events. Many members of the Hindu community were among the students who joined this movement, as were students from the hill tracts studying at universities. There were also several Hindus among those who were killed during the protests. In other words, the movement that ousted the Awami League visibly lacked any communal character. Rather, throughout the protests, secular ideals were promoted through various slogans, festoons, and graffiti. However, the signs that all of these were deceptive became apparent immediately after the fall of the government on August 5.
From the afternoon of August 5, as a storm of chaos, anarchy, and violence swept across the country. Religious and ethnic minority communities became one of the primary targets. The ongoing violence against the Hindu population, as the largest religious minority, became the most visible.
First Two Days of Attacks and Persecution
On the afternoon of August 5, several hundred people attacked at least 25 shops in Narikelbaria Bazar of Bagherpara Upazila, Jessore. Among them, 20 shops were owned by Hindus. The attackers vandalized the shops and looted the goods. In the evening, the house of Bablu Kumar Saha, Chairman of Narikelbaria Union Parishad (UP), was attacked and vandalized. Later that night, a group of 10 to 12 people armed with machetes and local weapons entered the house of Liton Kundu in Narikelbaria village. They held the residents hostage at gunpoint and took away three bhoris of gold ornaments and 2,700 BDT in cash. On the morning of the 6th, the house of Shimul Saha in the same village was attacked. At that time, they demanded an extortion payment of 100,000 BDT from the family. Later, they vandalized at least three Hindu-owned shops in Narikelbaria Bazar.
On the night of August 5, a group of 10 to 12 people attacked the Hindu neighborhood of Shalbharat village. Sixty-five Hindu families reside in this neighborhood.
Wearing black masks and carrying machetes, the attackers went to five or six houses. They demanded extortion money from two families. When they could not provide the money immediately, an elderly man was beaten and injured. The attackers took three cows from one house and two goats from another. In Sekenderpur village, a group of masked men attacked three Hindu houses, committing vandalism and looting. In Dhalgram Union, 20 to 25 Hindu houses across five villages were attacked, vandalized, and looted in four separate phases.
In Amrajhuta village of Manirampur Upazila, a group attacked the house of Dilip Singh on the night of August 5. They poured petrol on his two-story house and set it on fire. Earlier that evening, a group had attacked and vandalized Dilip Singh's two business establishments in Khatuadanga Bazar, looting the goods.
On the afternoon of August 5, a group attacked the house of UP member Manishankar Roy in Barandi village of Abhaynagar Upazila, looting cash and gold ornaments. Toward evening, attackers vandalized and set fire to the house of former Chairman Bishnupada Datta. Later, they attacked the houses of Robin Biswas, Yudhisthir Biswas, and Mohen Bairagi. In Dhopadi village, the house of businessman Krishna Datta was attacked, and gold ornaments and goods were looted.
Around 9:15 PM on August 5, the house of Lakshmi Rani on Banani Road in Bejpara, Jessore city, was attacked and looted. At the same time, attempts were made to attack the houses of Shankar Kumar Mallick, an employee, and
Gobinda Saha, a businessman, both residents of the same neighborhood. Additionally, miscreants attacked and looted Nath Computers, a business owned by Parthapratim Nath, son of Jessore Sadar Upazila Awami League President Mohit Kumar Nath, located on the city's Rail Road. Simultaneously, Mohit Nath's personal office and the office of the daily Projanmer Bhabna, which he publishes, were vandalized, and 10 computers were looted. An FL Shop owned by Sukumar Kumar, a distributor for Carew & Co. located in the same area, was also vandalized and looted.
In Sahapara, adjacent to Tamruddi Bazar in Hatiya Upazila, Noakhali, attacks and vandalism were carried out on the houses of Dilip Saha, Lokesh Saha, and Sahadev Saha on the evening of August 5, led by local BNP activists Munna and Raju. Later, around 7:30 PM, they looted and vandalized three shops in Tamruddi Bazar, including those of Ashok Saha and Partha Saha. During the attack on Sahadev Saha's house, his elderly mother was also beaten. The same attackers struck his shop in Char Chenga Bazar the following day, looting goods and cash.
In the Barbaria area of Gangutia Union in Dhamrai, Dhaka, a group of 100 to 150 people marched to the house of local resident Meena Rani Das on the evening of August 5 and launched an attack. They attempted to break into the temple but could not break the lock.
Immediately after the fall of the government, a procession of BNP-Jamaat in Kuakata city attacked the residence of Ananta Mukherjee, Joint General Secretary of the Municipal Awami League, and a nearby temple. Around 5 PM, the residence of Kalapara Municipal Mayor Bipul Chandra Howlader was also attacked.
In Lalpur, Natore, at around 7:30 PM, a group attacked the house of Dipendranath Saha, President of the Upazila Puja Udjapan Parishad and President of the Jotdaivaki Shiva and Kali Temple Committee. The houses of his brother Naresh Chandra Saha and neighbor Shimul Sarkar were also attacked and looted. Earlier, the attackers struck the Jotdaivaki Shiva and Kali Temple, smashing eight CCTV cameras. At night, the houses of college teachers Dignath Pal and Ranendranath Pal in Madhabpur Palpara were attacked and looted. The attackers struck Ranendranath with a sharp weapon, leaving him bloodied and wounded. Additionally, the house of retired school teacher Kartik Chandra in Bhatpara village was attacked the previous day.
In Meherpur, around 5 PM on August 5, a group of youths armed with sticks, rods, and iron pipes attacked the residence of Pallab Bhattacharya, Legal Affairs Secretary of the District Awami League. They first broke the gate lock and looted the house, then piled the furniture together and set it on fire. Simultaneously, the business establishment of Chitta Saha in the Barabazar area was attacked and looted. Later, the house of Lina Bhattacharya on Rabindranath Road in Hotel Bazar was attacked and looted, and four people inside were beaten. Furthermore, miscreants vandalized six houses in Malopara and beat the family members before leaving.
In Bochaganj Upazila of Dinajpur, a group of about 100 people vandalized and looted at least 40 Hindu shops in
Chaurangi Bazar of Ishania Union on the afternoon of August 5. When they advanced toward the adjacent Sahaspur village, they were blocked, and they left after threatening the residents to flee. In Dinajpur Sadar Upazila, an under-construction Harisabha room and a Durga temple in the Phultala Crematorium area were vandalized. From afternoon until dawn, members of the Hindu community guarded all temples and Harisabha centers in Dinajpur. In some places, Muslims joined them. From nightfall, announcements were made via mosque loudspeakers urging people not to engage in persecution or vandalism.
In Chandpur, the residence of Ratan Kumar Majumdar, Principal of Puranbazar Degree College, in the city's Adalatpara, and the house of Haripada Das, Principal of Gallak Adarsha Degree College in Faridganj, were attacked, vandalized, looted, and set on fire. In the Gupti Union of Faridganj, extensive attacks and looting occurred in the Hindu neighborhood.
In Shariatpur district town, an attack took place at the Dhanuka Manasa house around 9 PM. After a two-to-three- hour rampage, miscreants destroyed a Krishna temple made of tin and bricks. The Krishna idol inside was smashed to dust. Later that night, the attackers fled when members of the army arrived.
In Dakop Upazila of Khulna, the houses of Sudeb Kumar Roy (Chairman of Banishanta UP), Jayanta Kumar Gain (UP member and resident of Amtala village), and Sanjib Mandal (former Youth and Sports Secretary of the Upazila Awami League) were attacked and vandalized. The house of
Mihir Kumar Mandal, Chairman of Kailasganj UP, was also attacked. In Dhopadi Madhyapara of the same union, the house of Bidhan Mandal was targeted. Additionally, the house of Panchanan Kumar Mandal, Chairman of Kamarkhola UP, was attacked. The houses of several others, including Ranjit Kumar Mandal, Nitya Ranjan Kabiraj, Pankaj Kabiraj, Ranjit Mandal, and Suranjan Mandal, were also vandalized.
In Koyra Upazila, miscreants attacked, vandalized, and looted several Hindu houses. The homes of school teachers Arabinda Mandal and Sujit Roy in Gariyabari village were attacked. The house of Bijoy Kumar Sardar, former Chairman of Maheshwaripur UP, was also attacked and looted.
In Madhukhali, Faridpur, the house of village doctor Uttam Kumar Roy in Bamundi village was attacked, and his pharmacy and the family Kali temple were vandalized. Earlier, attackers struck the shop of homeopathic doctor Manoj Kumar Biswas in Bamundi Bazar and beat him. In the Bagat Bazar area, a cloth shop belonging to Archana Basu was burned into ashes. The house of school teacher Sanjay Kumar Das in Sitarampur village was vandalized and looted. Rajkumar Mishtanna Bhandar in Bagat Bazar was also attacked. A flour mill belonging to Biplab Saha near the Madhukhali-Nawpara road was vandalized. In Sadarpur Upazila, Subir Kumar Saha's pharmacy and Tarun Saha's grocery shop in Hat Krishnapur Bazar were attacked and vandalized.
In Satkhira, on August 6, the houses of several individuals including Biswajit Lahiri, Subrata Lahiri, Swapan De, Madhu Ghosh, Pradip Pal, Achintya Das, Aditya Ghosh, and Ashish Ghosh in Khalishkhali, Hazrapara, and Kumira villages were vandalized and looted. The houses of Ganesh Debnath (Chairman of Magura UP), Debasish Mukherjee, Pranab Ghosh (Chairman of Khalilnagar UP), and Subhash Sen (former Chairman of Islamkati UP) were vandalized, looted, and set on fire. In Ashashuni Upazila, miscreants looted fish from Sanjay Kumar Das's enclosure, along with 15 goats and other equipment.
In Chittagong, the house of Tapas Kanti Dutta, General Secretary of the South District Oikya Parishad and Chairman of Bajalia Union, was attacked and vandalized. Other incidents included an attack on Engineer Likhan Kanti Das's pharmacy in Satkania, Sourabh Nath’s house in Chambal Union of Banshkhali, and attacks in Noapara village of Raozan. The house of Kajal Kanti Lode in Patenga was also vandalized, and minority homes in Chawkbazar were looted.
In Dhaka's Lalbagh Rishipara and Narayanganj's Gopaldi, attacks occurred at the house of Sujan Saha. In Panchagarh Sadar, the house of Swapan Debnath was attacked, as was the Kaubaillav Ashram in East Paikpara, Brahmanbaria Sadar. Attacks and looting occurred in the Hindu neighborhood of Panchari Union in Boda Upazila, and a temple was vandalized in Sardarpara, Debiganj. In Lalmonirhat, the homes of Kesto Kumar Barman in Godamari and Hindus in Shabdol village were attacked and looted. In Muradnagar, Comilla, and Ramdia village of
Narail, homes were attacked and extortion was demanded. In Netrokona, two temples and at least 19 Hindu-owned shops and houses were vandalized and looted. In Kuliarchar, Kishoreganj, Hindu homes were attacked and set on fire. An ISKCON temple in Meherpur was also attacked. In Nilphamari, the house of Amulya Chandra Biswas and the shop of Kamal Roy were looted. In Jhenaidah, homes in Chaklapara and the house of Ramchandra Sarkar were attacked. In Patuakhali, houses in the Hindu-dominated area near Pakhimara Bazar were vandalized.
In Taraganj, Rangpur, a place of worship for the Ahmadiyya community was vandalized at 8 PM on August 5 and set on fire at 10:30 PM. Attackers even removed bricks from the walls. In Shyamnagar, Satkhira, several Ahmadiyya houses were vandalized. Business establishments were destroyed in Sundarban Bazar, and land belonging to community members was forcibly occupied.
In Chhoto Paikpara village of Bagerhat Sadar Upazila, a 65- year-old retired school teacher named Mrinal Kanti Chatterjee was beaten and hacked to death on the night of August 5. His wife, Shefali Chatterjee, and daughter, Jhuma Rani Chatterjee, were hospitalized with injuries. Shefali Chatterjee said, "They broke everything in the house and took it all. A group threw stones in the evening, but we didn't realize they would return at night to kill him."
After the announcement of the government's fall, an attack was launched on Baniyachong Police Station in Habiganj, where weapons were looted, the building was set on fire, and over fifty police officers were besieged. Earlier, at least eight villagers were killed there by police fire. Following the deaths, thousands of villagers surrounded the station, threatening to kill all the police officers inside. After a day of negotiations, as the army was rescuing the officers late at night, SI Santosh Chowdhury was singled out, snatched away, and beaten to death on the station premises. The next day, August 6, his body was found hanging from a tree in front of the station.
According to a statement by Rana Dasgupta, General Secretary of the Bangladesh Hindu Buddhist Christian Oikya Parishad, Hindu homes and shops were attacked, vandalized, and looted in at least 97 locations over August 5 and 6. Ten temples were attacked, and two members of the Hindu community were killed. Analysis of published media reports confirms these figures as accurate.
Thousands of Minorities Gather at the Border
August 7. For the first time, a massive influx of Bangladeshi asylum seekers gathered at the Indian border. On that day, the BSF blocked the attempted entry of 1,200 Bangladeshis at the Jalpaiguri border in West Bengal. Following the fall of the government on August 5, every political party in India, including the ruling BJP, Congress, and Trinamool Congress, claimed that the ongoing situation in Bangladesh could trigger a wave of minority migrants toward the Indian border. To prevent illegal infiltration, the BSF issued a high alert across more than four thousand kilometers of the India-Bangladesh border. Announcements were made via loudspeakers in Indian border villages, advising residents not to provide shelter to infiltrators. The BSF also held regular meetings with villagers and issued multiple directives to prevent entry.
August 8. Amit Kumar Tyagi, Deputy Inspector General of the Indian Border Security Force (BSF), told the news agency AFP, "Hundreds of Bangladeshis are waiting to enter India at various border points. Most of them belong to the Hindu community." He stated that over two hundred Bangladeshis were waiting at various borders in West Bengal. He further added that more than six hundred Bangladeshis were stationed in 'no man's land' in Jalpaiguri district. Amit Kumar mentioned that since there is no barbed-wire fencing in that area, BSF members formed a human shield to maintain their positions. He also noted that blank shots were fired to disperse them from no man's land.
August 9, 2024. The area around pillar number 909 of the Gotamari border in Hatibandha Upazila, Lalmonirhat. On this side of the fence were thousands of people, all from the Hindu community. On the other side, Indian BSF and media remained on high alert. From the morning of that day, rumors spread that the Indian border at the Gotamari pillar 909 area had been opened for minorities. Upon hearing this, thousands of minorities gathered at the zero line of that border from morning until afternoon. However, the news of the border opening was a mere rumor. The BSF took a strict stance to prevent entry, and no one was able to cross over.
Since August 5, like the rest of the country, attacks, vandalism, and arson were carried out on Awami League offices and the homes and businesses of party leaders in Lalmonirhat. The homes of Hindu Awami League leaders were not spared. As a result, panic spread even among the Hindu population with no political affiliations. However, despite gathering at the border, they did not carry any bags, furniture, or other family members with them. Many stated that they went to the border out of curiosity and had not gathered to move to India. Sabita Rani, a resident of Dimla in Nilphamari, said, "I heard this border was opened, so I came. If I get a chance, I will leave. Although my house wasn't attacked, the house of a neighboring Awami League leader was set on fire. We are terrified by this." A man named Jogesh Chandra said, "I heard the border was opened, so I came to see. Most people here have just come to see. If someone were going to India, they would have at least a bag or sack, or other family members with them."
Lt. Colonel Mofazzal Hossain Akanda, Commander of the Border Guard Bangladesh (BGB) Lalmonirhat-15 Battalion, said, "I have been at this border myself all day. Those who have come have no leader, and they don't even know why they have come to the zero line. I spoke with local leaders, and they also claimed to know nothing. They don't even have the basic necessities required for security if they were to cross the border. Security has been tightened at the border. No one has been able to cross, nor will they be able to. We have called a meeting with minority leaders tomorrow, Saturday. After the discussion, it will be clear whether this was just a rumor."
At Least 1,068 Houses and Businesses Attacked in Two Weeks
Reporters and representatives of the daily Prothom Alo conducted an investigation from August 5 to August 20, unveiling that at least 1,068 houses and business establishments of the minority community were damaged in attacks across the country. In addition, 22 places of worship were targeted.
The highest number of attacks occurred in the Khulna division in the southwestern part of the country, where at least 295 houses and businesses were attacked. Furthermore, 219 incidents were reported in Rangpur division, 183 in Mymensingh, 155 in Rajshahi, 78 in Dhaka, 68 in Barishal, 45 in Chattogram, and 25 in Sylhet. In some areas, structures were extensively damaged, while in others, the impact was less severe. Fatalities on August 5 included retired teacher Mrinal Kanti Bhattacharya in Bagerhat and Police SI Santosh Chowdhury in Habiganj. On August 8, a former UP member named Swapan Biswas (57) was beaten to death in Paikgacha, Khulna.
Prothom Alo reporters across 64 districts and 67 upazilas gathered information on attacks in a total of 49 districts. They physically inspected 546 affected houses and businesses, representing 51 percent of the total damaged structures, while the rest were verified through various sources. Attacks were extensive in several districts and relatively fewer in others. Based on the criteria of at least one incident occurring, the number of affected districts stands at 49.
Apart from Hindus, attacks were also carried out on Christian and Ahmadiyya communities, as well as ethnic minorities. The Bangladesh Christian Association reported attacks on the Church of Bangladesh in Naogaon, the Evangelical Holiness Church in Dinajpur, and a collection booth of the Christian Cooperative Credit Union in Madanpur, Narayanganj. Additionally, three Christian homes in Gournadi (Barishal), one in Khulna city, one in Haluaghat (Mymensingh), and one in Parbatipur were attacked. In Thakurgaon, a statue of Mother Mary at the Nizpara Mission was vandalized.
On August 6, an attempt was made to occupy a Buddhist crematorium in Machdia village of Lohagara Upazila, Chattogram. On the same day, attacks and vandalism occurred in the Pahartali Mahamuni Buddhist village of Raozan, Chattogram.
According to data from the human rights organization Kapeng Foundation, at least 18 houses were vandalized or set on fire in at least 10 attacks on ethnic minorities in Dinajpur, Rajshahi, Naogaon, Chapainawabganj, and Thakurgaon. Two incidents of land grabbing and fish looting were also recorded. In Dinajpur, sculptures of Sidhu
Murmu and Kanu Murmu, two historic figures of the Santal rebellion, were vandalized.
The Ahmadiyya community reported that 137 of their houses and 6 Ahmadiyya mosques were damaged in attacks across Panchagarh, Rangpur, Rajshahi, Nilphamari, Madartek (Dhaka), Sherpur, and Mymensingh.
Victims from the minority communities stated that, in most cases, attacks occurred during 'victory processions' following the fall of the government. The attackers included local radical activists and supporters of the BNP, Jamaat-e- Islami, and several religious organizations. According to the Prothom Alo report, at least 506 of the 1,068 targeted minority-owned structures belonged to individuals associated with Awami League politics.
Meanwhile, at a press conference organized at the Dhaka Reporters Unity (DRU) on September 19, the Bangladesh Hindu Buddhist Christian Oikya Parishad released their collected data. According to them, 2,010 incidents of communal violence occurred across 76 districts and metropolitan areas in the 17 days from August 4 to August 20. In these incidents, approximately 50,000 people of various ages from 1,705 minority families were affected, and 9 people were killed. Four women were victims of rape or gang rape, one of whom is speech-impaired. Furthermore, 915 houses and 953 business establishments belonging to minorities were attacked, vandalized, looted, or set on fire. During the violence, 69 places of worship were also attacked, vandalized, looted, or set on fire.
Rashid Returns, 13 Hindu Families Leave Their Homes
Abdur Rashid Akon has returned to Chandantala village in Taltali Upazila, Barguna, after nearly a decade. Allegations have surfaced that 13 Hindu families have once again sought shelter elsewhere out of fear of him.
Among those who took shelter are more than fifty members from the families of Yadav Sarkar, Haren Roy, Madhav Sarkar, Subhash Chandra, Ramesh Chandra, Kamal Chandra, Shyamal Hawlader, Ranjit Kumar, Bimal Chandra, Ripon Roy, Samir Sarkar, Prashanta Sarkar, and Rimol Roy. Yadav Chandra, the head of one of the families, alleged, "Rashid Akon, the influential BNP leader who persecuted our women and children in 2014, has returned to the area after a long time. Following the fall of the government, the Chandantala police outpost is vacant. We are afraid of Rashid. That is why everyone has taken refuge at the homes of relatives. Even if we are killed, we will not return to the village unless police are deployed at the outpost."
The government of Sheikh Hasina fell on August 5. Two days prior to that, the police left the Chandantala outpost. Later, two teachers and 17 students from the local Choto Bogi Hafezia Madrasa stayed at the outpost to guard the homes of the Hindus. As a result, no new attacks occurred on the Hindu families. However, panic set in when Rashid Akon, one of the primary individuals involved in their eviction and the persecution of women and children ten years ago, returned to the village on August 6. Consequently, the Hindus left the area on August 8.
Locals say that 13 Hindu families have been living in Chandantala village since before independence. Rashid Akon, an influential figure in the village who identified as a BNP leader, set his sights on their 40 acres of land. He began various forms of persecution against the Hindus to seize the land with the assistance of local Awami League leader Abdus Salam and Jubo League leader Zakir Sardar. In late 2014, Yadav Chandra filed a case against Rashid over the sexual harassment of a school-going girl. After spending some time in jail following his arrest, Rashid continued the harassment upon his release. Eventually, the families left the area on November 14, 2014. The matter received widespread attention when it appeared in the media. In another case, the police arrested Rashid, and the administration at the time, following government orders, brought the Hindu families back and established a police outpost for their security.
Since then, Rashid had not been in the area. For the past 10 years, the Hindus lived safely. When Rashid suddenly returned to the area on August 6, the Hindu families left for other locations in panic.
A neighbor, speaking on condition of anonymity, stated, "Ten years ago, the Hindus left the village due to Rashid’s persecution. This time, even though he did not commit any violence, they left out of fear." Hafez Ashiqur Rahman, a teacher at the Bogirhat Hafezia Madrasa, said that from
August 8, nineteen teachers and students stayed at the outpost for a week to guard the houses, poultry, and livestock of the Hindu families. They have since returned to the madrasa.
Regarding the allegations, Abdur Rashid Akon said, "I have not threatened anyone. I requested Yadav and the other Hindus to stay, but they did not listen." In this regard, Shahidul Haque, the convener of Taltali Upazila BNP, said, "I have heard that Abdur Rashid Akon is a person of bad character. We have no relationship with him. He held no position in the party in the past either."
Abdur Razzak Hawlader, Chairman of Pachakoralia UP, said, "The Hindu families left out of fear of Rashid because there were no police at the outpost. I tried to bring them back, but they do not want to come."
Schoolgirl Abducted After Threats to Forcefully Convert Her to Islam
In a village within the Kashipur Union of Phulbari Upazila, Kurigram district, thirty Hindu families reside. On the night of September 2, miscreants pasted posters on several trees in front of a house in the neighborhood. The posters declared, "The daughter of this house will be abducted within 7 days and converted to Islam." Following this incident, Ranjit Chandra, a resident of the village, filed a General Diary (GD) at the Phulbari Police Station on September 4. Under the instructions of Phulbari Upazila
Nirbahi Officer (UNO) Rehenuma Tarannum, the posters were removed from the trees.
On September 18, around 5 PM, the student was abducted while returning home from a coaching center. Alinur Rahman (32), a drug dealer and son of the late Abdul Halim of the same village, along with his associates, carried out the abduction.
Ranjit Chandra, a resident of the village, told the media, "We filed a GD at the police station on September 4. Had the police investigated the matter sincerely, they could have identified the miscreants. If they had been brought to justice, the girl would not have been abducted."
Phulbari Police Station OC Nawabur Rahman stated, "The police investigated the GD and maintained a watch over that Hindu village."
Entering Durga Temple to Recite Adhan and Perform Prayer
The Kagajitari Durga Temple is located within the Lalmonirhat Municipality of Lalmonirhat Sadar Upazila. On the afternoon of September 14, an individual named Nur Mohammad Ripon broke the lock and entered the temple. He then recited the Adhan (call to prayer) and performed Salah (Islamic prayer) within the temple premises.
Following this incident, panic spread among the Hindus of that area. A few individuals showed courage by detaining him and informing the administration.
The Officer-in-Charge (OC) of Sadar Police Station, Omar Faruk, stated that Subodh Chandra Roy, the president of the temple committee, filed a case regarding the matter. During preliminary interrogation, the detained Ripon admitted to entering the temple to recite the Adhan and perform prayer.
Ethnic Riots Break Out in the Hill Tracts
On the morning of September 18, a young man named Md. Mamun was beaten to death in Khagrachhari Sadar over allegations of motorcycle theft. Mamun was the son of the late Nur Nabi, a resident of Shalban Madhyapara in Khagrachhari Sadar. His death sparked outrage among the local Bengali community. The following day, Thursday afternoon, Bengali students held a protest in Dighinala against the killing of Mamun. This led to a series of chases and counter-chases between Bengalis and Hill people. During the unrest, shops in Larma Square Market were set on fire. A total of 102 shops in the Dighinala Bus Station and Larma Square areas were gutted by fire, including 78 shops belonging to the Chakma community and 24 owned by Bengalis.
In protest of this incident, hundreds of Hill students held a protest procession in Bandarban city around 8 PM. Internet services were restricted. Videos of intermittent gunfire sounds began spreading on social media.
The following day, sources from Khagrachhari Hospital revealed that among those brought to the hospital, one was found dead on arrival. Two others died after being admitted. Four of the injured were sent to Chittagong Medical College Hospital, and five others were hospitalized. The deceased were identified as Junan Chakma (20), Dhananjay Chakma (50), and Rubel Chakma (30).
According to a statement from the Inter-Services Public Relations (ISPR), “While transferring a critically ill patient, UPDF (Main) created an obstruction upon reaching the Swanirbhar area of Khagrachhari town. At that time, UPDF terrorists opened fire on members of an army patrol team. The army returned fire in self-defense. It is reported that three people were killed and several others were injured in this shootout.” The ISPR expressed concern that the three hill districts could be engulfed in severe communal riots due to the ongoing tension.
The next day, Friday (September 20), around 10 AM, a protest march was brought out from the District Gymnasium premises under the banner of the Conflict and Anti-Discrimination Hill Students' Movement. Hill students also arrived at the gathering by bus from Kaptai's Karnafuli Government College.
When the procession reached Banarupa, stones were hurled from the top of a building. One Hill person sustained a head injury. In retaliation, agitated Hill students attacked several shops. Later, the procession moved toward the
District Administration Office premises. At one point, Bengalis armed with machetes, daggers, and sticks advanced toward the march, leading to clashes and counter-chases between both sides. As the Hill students retreated, Bengalis took control of the area. Later, they set fire to several vehicles parked at the Chittagong Hill Tracts Regional Council office, burning the lower portion of the office. The attackers also vandalized and looted Hill-owned shops in several places, including Banarupa and Kalindipur, and targeted the Kathaltoli Maitri Vihar. During this time, attackers broke the lock of the District Women's Affairs Department gate and set fire to several motorcycles parked there. Anik Chakma (18), a student of Kaptai Karnafuli College, was caught by Bengali youths. Nearly 12 to 13 Bengalis repeatedly struck him with sticks and sharp machetes, and Anik died in less than a minute. Video footage of Anik’s murder spread on social media.
The administration imposed Section 144 in both Khagrachhari and Rangamati districts. The United Peoples Democratic Front (UPDF) called for a 72-hour blockade in the three hill districts starting Saturday in protest of the attacks, murders, and arson on temples and houses of the Hill people. In a statement, the UPDF expressed its outrage, saying that after the fall of Hasina Govt. led by the Anti- Discrimination Student Movement on August 5 and the formation of the interim government under Nobel laureate Dr. Yunus, such barbaric attacks on Hill people are completely unacceptable. His government cannot avoid responsibility for these attacks.
A Deviant Autumnal Durga Festival
Amidst the unprecedented communal attacks that began on August 5, the time arrived for the largest festival of the Bengali Hindu community, Sharadiya Durga Puja. The puja spanned from Maha Shasthi on October 9 to Dashami on October 13. Preparations for the puja proceeded under a shadow of fear and panic. In 2023, the number of puja mandaps across the country was 32,408; this year, that number decreased by 947, totaling 31,461.
Demands of 500,000 BDT Extortion per Temple
Leaders of Puja Udjapan Committees in various temples of Dakop Upazila, Khulna, received anonymous letters demanding 500,000 BDT from each temple to celebrate Durga Puja. The letters further threatened that if the matter was reported to the administration or journalists, they would be "hacked to pieces." Following the receipt of these letters, anxiety spread among the Hindu community in the area. Some temple committee leaders stated they had decided not to hold the puja. General Diaries (GD) were filed at Dakop Police Station on behalf of four different temples in the upazila.
The general secretary of a temple committee in Dakop, speaking on condition of anonymity, said, "A kind of anxiety has been working within us since receiving the letter by mail. After getting the letter on Wednesday, we held a meeting with the local people at night. Most people there were in favor of not performing the puja. Nevertheless, we have collectively decided to proceed. Additionally, we have arranged for daily patrols in the area. However, some temple committees have informed us of their decision to cancel the puja."
Regarding this, Shekhar Chandra Goldar, president of the Kamarkhola Sarbajanin Durga Puja Udjapan Committee, said, "There were discussions about holding the puja on a very small scale this year instead of grand celebrations. However, after receiving such letters, our members are no longer showing interest. We have to keep the puja suspended this year." In the letters sent to three temples, the content was found to be identical. The addresses of the recipient temple committees were written on yellow envelopes, addressed to the temple presidents and secretaries. One part of the letter mentioned, "What we did to Hanif’s project, your fate will be the same."
When asked about "Hanif’s project," several residents of Srinagar village explained that after the fall of Sheikh Hasina's government on August 5, extensive looting took place at the shrimp farm of Awami League Joint General Secretary Mahbubul Alam Hanif. The looting continued for several days.
Sirajul Islam, the Officer-in-Charge (OC) of Dakop Police Station, offered reassurance, saying, "We are investigating. We are making efforts to protect the temples. Along with army teams, we are conducting regular patrols from the station. Village police and union-based police officers are on constant patrol. There is nothing to be panicked about."
Police "Discover" an Indian Citizen in Idol Vandalism Incident
The Hari Mandir is located in Ward 8 (Gudpatti) of Bhanga Municipality, Faridpur. Artisans had completed the construction of the idols just a few days prior, and preparations were underway for painting. There were 14 idols in total at this temple. On the night of September 14, various parts of eight idols were vandalized.
The temple committee immediately informed the police and the administration. The police began an investigation. In a press release sent to the media on September 16, Faridpur District Police announced that a man named Sanjit Biswas had been arrested on charges of vandalizing the idols. Police identified the 45-year-old Sanjit as the son of Nishikanta Biswas from the Nadia district of India. He was produced in court that same day, and the court ordered him to be sent to jail. The news was widely reported in the media.
However, the following day, Sanjit Biswas’s father, Nishikanta Biswas, arrived not from Nadia, India, but from Kashiani Upazila in Gopalganj, Bangladesh, and applied for his son's bail. Nishikanta Biswas, a Bangladeshi citizen, told the media that his son had been missing since 2019 after losing his mental balance. They found Sanjit after seeing his photo in the newspapers. Despite having no confirmation of Sanjit's identity and no evidence or complaint linking him to the vandalism, the police had issued a press release to the media on Monday. Media outlets published the news without verification; the Bengali version of an English daily even carried the headline: "Indian citizen arrested for vandalizing Durga idols under construction in Faridpur."
A Deutsche Welle investigation revealed entirely different information. The police attempted to take credit for catching a suspect by implicating a mentally unstable person. Despite not seeing a passport or any identification, they labeled him an Indian citizen to rush the news out, and a section of the media broadcast this "fictional" information without any scrutiny. Sanjit's nationality could have been easily verified by checking his fingerprints against the National Identity (NID) server. Eventually, his identity was confirmed only after his NID card was produced.
Late at night on September 20, idols were vandalized at the Sarbajanin Durga Mandir in Galachipa village of Phuljhuri Union, Barguna Sadar Upazila. Bipul Samaddar, the temple president, said miscreants carried out the act during the night, and it was discovered in the morning.
In Gauripur, Mymensingh, work on the idols at the Gobinda Jiu Temple had been ongoing for 20 days. Only the painting remained. The idols were scheduled to be moved to the pavilion a day before the puja began. Around 4 AM on September 25, a young man entered the temple and vandalized the idols. While he was attempting to carry away pieces of the broken idols, a neighbor named Dolly Rani saw him and screamed. At that moment, Akhil Chandra Vishwasharma and Bipul Ghosh arrived and caught the youth. The police took him into custody in the morning. The detained youth was identified as Yasin Mia (22). Pijush Roy, former president of the Gauripur Madhyabazar Puja Udjapan Committee, noted that this was the first time such an idol vandalism incident had occurred there.
In Sujanagar, Pabna, Durga idols were vandalized in two temples within four days. On the night of September 28, miscreants destroyed four idols, including the Durga idol, at the Rishipara Barwari Puja Mandap. On October 1, five idols, including the Durga idol, were vandalized at the Manikdi Palpara Barwari Puja Mandap in the same area. Following these consecutive incidents, Sakiul Azam, the OC of Sujanagar Police Station, was withdrawn from his post.
Early in the morning of October 3, an idol vandalism incident occurred at the Sri Sri Gopinath Jiu Akhara Temple in the Battirish area of Kishoreganj town.
On the morning of October 4, idols were vandalized at the Pashchim Shyampur Deuri Bari Sarbajanin Durga Mandir in Bakerganj Upazila, Barishal. Following this, the OC of Bakerganj Police Station was withdrawn.
On the night of October 5, idols were attacked at the Maa Bhabani Durga and Kalimata Temple in the Bottolatahat area of Chapainawabganj municipality. The face and hands of the Durga idol and the tail of the lion were broken. The temple authorities discovered the damage in the morning and informed the administration.
Rana Dasgupta, General Secretary of the Bangladesh Hindu Buddhist Christian Oikya Parishad, stated, "In the last 15 days, ahead of Sharadiya Durga Puja, puja idols have been vandalized in 19 puja mandaps across 14 districts of the country."
Regarding this year's Durga Puja, a dispute arose between local Hindus and some members of the Muslim community in Uttara, Dhaka. For several days, local Muslims held human chains and processions demanding that puja mandaps not be constructed in the fields of several sectors. This created tension between the local Hindu community and a section of the Muslim community. However, the issue was eventually resolved through a joint meeting involving the army, police, political leaders, and the puja committee. At the meeting, it was decided that instead of Sectors 11, 13, and 3, the Durga Puja mandap would be set up on Rabindra Sarani (Mugdho Chattar) in Sector 7.
Songs of Islamic Revolution at Puja Mandap
October 10. On the evening of Maha Saptami, segments of a video spread on Facebook showing six youths performing a song expressing the "greatness of Islam" at a puja mandap.
The roughly one-minute mobile-recorded video shows the six youths singing on the puja stage with microphones but without any musical instruments. The lines audible in the video were: "Come, let us understand that Islam, let us find the path of truth and justice; the final path for the liberation of world humanity, revolution, Islamic revolution."
The mandap was located at the JM Sen Hall premises in the Rahamatganj area of Chittagong city. As the Chittagong Metropolitan Puja Udjapan Committee organized this puja, it is considered the central puja mandap of Chittagong. Immediately after the video was published on social media, it triggered intense reactions and widespread criticism. The six youths were criticized for singing "Islamic songs" at a puja mandap, while the organizers also faced backlash regarding how they were allowed the opportunity to perform such a song there.
A Hindu youth present at the scene, speaking to BBC Bangla on condition of anonymity, said that when they got on stage and started singing a song about Islam, the audience was caught off guard. "Several of my friends and I were there. We were somewhat surprised and started asking each other why they were singing this and who they were. The people around also seemed a bit startled," the youth said.
After finishing the first song, they performed the popular song by Shah Abdul Karim, "Agey Ki Shundor Din Kataitam." After the performance and before they left the stage, the organizers of the event greeted and congratulated them.
Some eyewitnesses reported that six members of a cultural organization named Chittagong Cultural Academy performed two songs at the event. A relevant source indicated that the organization is supported by Jamaat-e- Islami.
When asked about this, Selim Zaman, president of the Chittagong Cultural Academy, told Prothom Alo that they went there to perform music upon the invitation of Sajal Dutta, Joint Secretary of the Puja Udjapan Parishad. They performed two songs there, both of which were "songs of harmony." Regarding the identity of the Chittagong Cultural Academy, Fakhrul Islam, president of Chittagong City (North) Chhatra Shibir, stated that it is not an organization of Chhatra Shibir. However, a Jamaat-e-Islami leader confirmed to Prothom Alo that the Chittagong Cultural Academy is a cultural organization supported by Jamaat-e- Islami.
Sukanta Mahajan, Treasurer of the Chittagong Metropolitan Puja Udjapan Parishad, said that the youths told Joint Secretary Sajal Dutta they wanted to perform patriotic songs on stage. Later, they went up and started singing. They left after finishing the performance. Multiple attempts were made to contact Sajal Dutta via mobile phone for his comments, but his phone was found switched off.
As the matter spread on social media, the committee president, Ashish Bhattacharya, appeared at the puja mandap on Thursday night and delivered a speech. At that time, Mr. Bhattacharya announced the permanent expulsion of Sajal Dutta, the Assistant General Secretary of the Puja Udjapan Committee. He told BBC Bangla that the committee decided to expel Sajal Dutta for "negligence of duty." Following this incident, hundreds of Hindus protested at the JM Sen Hall mandap that night. The protest continued outside the JM Sen Hall mandap until about 2:00 AM. Members of the Army, Police, and RAB arrived at the scene and tried to bring the situation under control. That same night, Chittagong Deputy Commissioner Farida Khanam arrived at the JM Sen Hall mandap and gave a speech. She expressed her regret for the incident and announced that the culprits would be brought to justice within "24 to 48 hours."
The next day, October 11, during a press briefing at the media center of the CMP Commissioner’s office in the city’s Dampara Police Lines, CMP Additional Deputy Commissioner (Media) Kazi Tarek Aziz announced that Sukanta Bikash Mahajan, Treasurer of the Metropolitan Puja Committee, had filed a case at the Kotwali Police Station. Seven individuals were named as accused: the expelled Joint Secretary Sajal Dutta and Chittagong Cultural Academy members Shahidul Karim, Nurul Islam, Abdullah Iqbal, Rony, Golam Mostafa, and Mamun. Two individuals were arrested following the case: performers Shahidul Karim (42) and Nurul Islam (34). Shahidul Karim is a teacher at the city’s Tanzimul Ummah Madrasa, and Nurul Islam is a teacher at Darul Irfan Academy. It was also mentioned that operations were ongoing to arrest the others involved.
On October 14, chaos erupted in the court of Chittagong Metropolitan Magistrate Oli Ullah regarding the remand application and bail for the two arrested individuals. The police applied for a 5-day remand for each of the two accused for interrogation. Defense lawyers applied for the rejection of the remand and simultaneously filed for bail. Lawyers for the plaintiff applied to grant the remand. During the hearing, both sides engaged in a heated argument, at which point the judge ordered the cancellation of the remand application and left the courtroom.
The following day, October 15, Judge Kazi Shariful Islam of the Chittagong Sixth Metropolitan Magistrate Court granted bail to the two arrested individuals.
Petrol Bomb at Puja Mandap
October 11. On the night of Maha Ashtami, a petrol bomb was thrown at a puja mandap in Tantibazar, Old Dhaka. However, it did not explode. A green glass bottle with a blackened wick was recovered from the scene. According to local residents, several youths threw the bottle toward the puja stage from an alley adjacent to the mandap. Although a small fire ignited, the device failed to detonate. The incident triggered panic among the crowd, causing people to run in different directions.
Sub-Inspector (SI) Md. Liton of Kotwali Police Station stated that around 8:00 PM on Friday, the youths initially created panic by exploding "chocolate bombs" (firecrackers). As visitors fled in confusion, the group began committing muggings. When volunteers confronted and struggled with them, the youths attacked with knives. Those injured by stabbings were identified as Dipta De (26),
Jhantu Dhar (50), Khokon Dhar (40), Sagar Ghosh (26), and Md. Ramiz Uddin (30).
Following the attack, Additional Commissioner of Dhaka Metropolitan Police (DB) Rezaul Karim Mallick arrived at the scene. He told journalists, "The incident occurred centered around a mugging. Three individuals have been detained from the spot. We are currently interrogating them to unfold the details."
Deputy Commissioner (DC) of the Lalbagh Division of Dhaka Metropolitan Police (DMP) Mohammad Jasim Uddin said, "Three people have been brought to the station. Footage from the surrounding areas is being reviewed to determine the actual nature of the event. We are not yet certain whether this was a mugging or something else."
Brick Pelting and Attacks during Idol Immersion
Bricks were hurled from the top of Nur Super Market in Patuatuli, Old Dhaka, as an idol immersion procession was heading from Shankhari Bazar to Sadarghat in the capital. This incident triggered clashes in the area on the night of October 13.
Several people were injured during the ensuing chases and counter-chases. Enamul Hasan, the Officer-in-Charge (OC) of Kotwali Police Station, said, "Upon hearing of the incident, I went to the spot and tried to bring the situation under control. At one point, I was suddenly attacked. I have received primary medical treatment." Later, the army arrived and dispersed the crowd.
How the Protest was crushed
Open Letter Calling for an End to Communal Violence
On August 8, the advisory council led by Dr. Muhammad Yunus assumed governance. By then, three days of unprecedented communal violence had already passed. On the morning of August 9, the Bangladesh Hindu Buddhist Christian Oikya Parishad and the Bangladesh Puja Udjapan Parishad jointly held a press conference at the Dhaka Reporters Unity. There, Nirmal Rozario, one of the presidents of the Hindu Buddhist Christian Oikya Parishad, read out an "Open letter to the Chief Adviser of the interim government, Nobel Peace Laureate Dr. Muhammad Yunus, to protect the interests and existence of minorities."
The open letter mentioned that thousands of Hindu families had been rendered destitute due to communal violence in at least 52 districts. According to the information in the letter, many temples were burned after being attacked, and many women were harassed. Killings occurred in several places, and other minorities were also attacked. This communal situation essentially began on August 5 (after the fall of the Awami League government) and continues to persist. Deep fear, anxiety, and uncertainty have spread among minorities across the country. This situation is also calling Bangladesh's reputation into question internationally. This state of affairs must be ended immediately.
Stating that attempts had been made to inform the President, the Chief of Army Staff, the student leadership of the movement, and leaders of various political parties about the situation, the open letter said, "They too have called for an end to the attacks on minorities in their statements and speeches. But, though it is painful, the truth is that the situation has deteriorated. The cries of distress are being prolonged."
While responding to various questions from journalists, Kajal Debnath, a member of the Oikya Parishad's presidium, stated that extensive extortion is being carried out under the guise of protecting Hindus. The minority business community is the most vulnerable in this situation.
Protests on the Streets
In protest against communal violence, a demonstration was held at Shahbagh in the capital from 4:30 PM to 7:30 PM on August 9. Due to the presence of thousands of people, traffic in the area came to a standstill. The protest march was organized under the banner of "Sajagata Sanatani Nagarik" (Conscious Sanatani Citizens). Prior to the protest, they held a human chain in front of the National Press Club. Following the human chain, they marched from the Press Club through Matsya Bhaban to Shahbagh. A press release issued during the human chain alleged that after Sheikh Hasina's resignation, temples and idols were vandalized across the country. It further claimed that businesses belonging to the Sanatan community were looted and set on fire, women were harassed, and threats of expulsion from the country were made. Incidents of death by beating and strangulation were also reported. During the human chain, the organizers presented a 19-point demand, which included the formation of an inquiry committee to investigate the violence, assistance and rehabilitation for victims, and medical treatment for the injured. At the Shahbagh rally, protesters chanted various slogans such as "Why was my house attacked? We demand an answer," "We want justice," "Who are you? Who am I? Bengali, Bengali," and "Wake up, Hindus, wake up." Placards displayed messages like "Hindus have the right to live," "Save Hindus," and "Why are Hindus the trump card in power shifts?"
The following day, August 10, people from various walks of life blocked the roads at Shahbagh again starting from 3 PM. Traffic remained suspended at Shahbagh and surrounding roads. In addition to the capital, protest marches and human chains were held in various districts across the country. In Shariatpur, the Bangladesh Jatiya Hindu Mohajot held a protest in front of the Shaheed Minar, joined by members of the Muslim community as well. In Dinajpur, the Hindu, Buddhist, and Christian Oikya Parishad and the Bangladesh Puja Udjapan Parishad jointly held a protest in front of the Dinajpur Press Club. In Barishal, the "Nipironbirodhi Mancha" (Platform Against Oppression) organized a rally in front of Ashwini Kumar Hall, followed by a march through city streets. Similar protests took place in Narayanganj, Natore, and Tangail.
On the afternoon of August 13, Dr. Muhammad Yunus, Chief Adviser of the interim government, visited the Dhakeshwari Temple. He urged the country's Sanatan community not to confine themselves to the "trap" of being a minority and asked them to assist the government with patience. That afternoon, leaders of various minority organizations met with the Chief Adviser at his official residence, Jamuna. Forty representatives attended the meeting and presented an 8-point demand. These demands included: enacting a Minority Protection Law; forming a National Minority Commission and a Ministry of Minority Affairs; returning land ownership according to the Vested Property Return Act; ensuring proportional representation in government and parliament; enacting laws to preserve Devottar (deity) property; enacting a Non-Discrimination Act; implementing the CHT Peace Accord; and declaring public holidays for Durga Puja (3 days), Prabarana Purnima (1 day), and Easter Sunday (1 day). Speaking to the media, Advocate Subrata Chowdhury of the Oikya Parishad said the Chief Adviser assured them that the government was working to restore order. Charu Chandan Das Brahmachari, General Secretary of ISKCON, expressed his belief in the Chief Adviser's words.
On the evening of September 6, the Sanatan Odhikar Mancha held a torch-lit procession from the Central Shaheed Minar to the National Press Club, demanding an end to attacks and justice for those involved. Suman Roy, General Secretary of the Bangladesh Hindu Parishad, announced that a long march to blockade Dhaka would be organized if the 8-point demands were not met. On September 13, a second phase of programs began in
Shahbagh and Chittagong to demand the rapid implementation of these assurances. By September 19, the Oikya Parishad held a press conference expressing disappointment over the lack of visible progress. Torch-lit processions continued on September 20, ending at the Ramna Kali Temple. Protests were also held in Rangpur and Rajshahi.
A New Dimension of Protest and Sedition Cases
The atmosphere of the Sharadiya Durga festival began in the last week of September. Although protest programs were suspended for the festival, the fear and anger of the Hindu community did not subside as reports of idol vandalism continued. On the evening of Maha Saptami, an unprecedented incident occurred at the JM Sen Hall mandap in Chittagong involving the performance of "Islamic Revolution" songs. This event sparked a late-night protest by hundreds of Hindus. From this protest, Chinmoy Krishna Das Brahmachari, spokesperson for the Bangladesh Sanatan Jagaran Mancha and Principal of Pundarik Dham, emerged as a prominent figure in the movement against communal violence.
On October 25, the Bangladesh Sanatan Jagaran Mancha held a massive rally at the Laldighi field in Chittagong. Chinmoy Krishna Das Brahmachari, the keynote speaker, stated, "If there is an attempt to uproot Sanatanis from this country, the consequences will be dire." Thousands attended, carrying slogans like "My land, my mother, I will not leave this country." The rally declared a long march toward Dhaka after completing regional gatherings.
Five days after this rally, on the night of October 30, Firoz Khan, General Secretary of the No. 5 Mohra Ward BNP, filed a sedition case against 19 members of ISKCON, including Chinmoy Krishna Das Brahmachari. The plaintiff alleged that following the August 5 uprising, a national flag had been hoisted at the New Market intersection. He claimed that during the October 25 rally, the accused had placed the saffron religious flag of ISKCON over the national flag, causing public outrage. That same night, police arrested two individuals: Rajesh Chowdhury and Hridoy Das. Following the filing of the case without party consent, the BNP expelled Firoz Khan.
On November 2, the Minority Oikya Morcha organized a mass rally at the Central Shaheed Minar, demanding the immediate withdrawal of all cases against minority leaders. Nim Chandra Bhowmik, one of the presidents of the Oikya Parishad, stated they were fighting for existence and human rights. Protests were also held in Chapainawabganj, Sirajganj, Faridpur, Comilla, and Patuakhali.
On November 22, the divisional rally of the "Bangladesh Sammilita Sanatani Jagaran Jote" was called in Rangpur. The district administration initially denied permission for the central Zilla School field, citing traffic concerns, and moved the venue to Mahiganj Degree College on the outskirts of the city. Fifteen conditions were imposed, including a ban on spreading "false information" about Hindu persecution. Key speakers included Chinmoy Krishna Das Brahmachari and several other high-ranking monks and maharajas. While Sanatanis from across the division participated, a bus heading to the rally was attacked in Kurigram, leaving approximately 30 people injured.
Arrest of Chinmoy Krishna Das Brahmachari and Murder of Lawyer Saiful Islam
On the afternoon of November 25, news of the arrest of Chinmoy Krishna Das at Hazrat Shahjalal International Airport in Dhaka triggered protests by his followers across various districts. In Dhaka, demonstrations were held at Shahbagh and in front of the DB office on Minto Road. Allegations surfaced that protesters at Shahbagh were attacked. On Monday night, Hindu community members in Rangpur held a protest march, with similar demonstrations occurring in Khulna, Dinajpur, Rangamati, and Cox's Bazar.
That same night, the spokesperson for the Sanatani Jagaran Jote, Chinmoy Krishna Das, was taken from Dhaka to Chittagong. Upon his arrival in the early hours of November 26, he was handed over to the Chittagong Metropolitan Police (CMP). Around 10:30 AM, he was brought to the Chittagong court. Hearing the news, a large number of his followers gathered at the court premises.
Fifty-one lawyers participated in the bail hearing on behalf of Chinmoy Krishna. Around 11:45 AM, Judge Kazi Shariful Islam of the Chittagong 6th Metropolitan Magistrate Court denied bail and ordered him to be sent to prison. Around 12:00 PM, hundreds of men and women blocked the prison van carrying Chinmoy Krishna Das, chanting slogans in protest. Many sat or lay down in front of the van. From inside the van, Chinmoy Krishna used a police hand-mic to urge his agitated followers to remain calm. He stated, "We Sanatanis are partners in the hope of building a new country envisioned in the August 5 uprising. Therefore, we will not do anything that destabilizes the state or destroys peaceful coexistence. Control your emotions, turn emotion into strength, and carry out a peaceful movement."
Despite heavy police guard, the prison van remained stuck as followers refused to move. Even with efforts from the Police, BGB, and Army, the van could not leave the court premises. Around 2:45 PM, law enforcement began using sound grenades, tear gas, and baton charges to disperse the crowd. This led to a series of chases and counter-chases. During the chaos, several vehicles, including motorcycles and windows of lawyers' offices, were vandalized.
Around 4:00 PM, a clash broke out between Chinmoy supporters and agitated lawyers and others on the main road in front of the Rangam Convention Hall. During this time, a lawyer was indiscriminately hacked and critically injured. He was rushed to Chittagong Medical College Hospital (CMCH), where doctors declared him dead. The deceased lawyer was identified as Saiful Islam Alif (35), an Assistant Public Prosecutor (APP).
Eight others injured in the repeated clashes were admitted to CMCH. They were identified as Sribas Das, Sharku Das, Choton, Sujit Ghosh, Utpal, and Enamul Haque, while the names of two others remained unknown. Additionally, 19 people received primary treatment at the General Hospital.
The news of Lawyer Alif's murder sparked fresh tension across the country. Nazim Uddin Chowdhury, President of the Chittagong Bar Association, told the media that Chinmoy supporters had hacked Saiful to death. Lawyers in Chittagong gathered to protest at various points, including the Sonali Bank area near the court, the main gate of Jahur Hawkers Market, and in front of Bangladesh Bank. Meanwhile, students held protests in the city's New Market area under the banner of general students. Protests also took place at court premises in Dhaka and under the banner of Anti-Discrimination Students at Bijoynagar. Students at Dhaka University held a funeral prayer in absentia (Gayebi Janaza) for Saiful Islam Alif at the base of the Raju Sculpture. They demanded the arrest of the killers within 24 hours and a ban on ISKCON. Tahmid Al Mudassir, a coordinator of the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement, stated, "There is no precedent in the history of this country of a government lawyer being murdered. ISKCON has done exactly that. ISKCON must be banned and their sources of funding investigated." The Inqilab Mancha, led by Sharif Osman Bin Hadi, held a torch-lit procession with the same demands.
The Amir of Jamaat-e-Islami described Saiful as a "dear party colleague" and demanded strict legal action against those involved. Students at Jahangirnagar, Chittagong, and Begum Rokeya University also held rallies demanding a ban on ISKCON. Chief Adviser Dr. Muhammad Yunus condemned the killing and ordered an investigation and proper legal proceedings. A statement from the Chief Adviser's press wing urged the public to remain calm and refrain from participating in undesirable activities.
On the other hand, leaders of the Sammilita Sanatani Jote demanded the release of Chinmoy Das within one day. At a press conference at Dhakeshwari Temple, central representative Prosenjit Kumar Haldar warned that if he was not released by Wednesday, a non-violent movement would be intensified globally. Sanatani students at Jahangirnagar University blocked the Dhaka-Aricha highway, and protests occurred in Gopalganj's Kotalipara, where clashes with police left two officers, including the local OC, injured. Similar human chains and protests were held by the Hindu community in Rajshahi, Barishal, Khulna, Sylhet, Kishoreganj, Comilla, and Narayanganj.
ISKCON Bangladesh clarified that it had no direct or indirect involvement with the programs of the Sammilita Sanatani Jagaran Jote. In a press release signed by General Secretary Charu Chandra Das Brahmachari, the organization stated that misleading propaganda was being spread claiming ISKCON initiated the protests. However, ISKCON Bangladesh strongly condemned the arrest of Chinmoy Krishna Das and the violence against the Sanatani community. In a separate statement, they expressed deep grief over the brutal murder of Saiful Islam and demanded exemplary punishment for the perpetrators.
November 27-The first funeral prayer for Saiful Islam was held at the Chittagong court. The second prayer took place at 11:30 AM at the Jamiatul Falah Jamia Mosque, attended by Anti-Discrimination Student Movement conveners Hasnat Abdullah and Sarjis Alam. The prayer was led by Shahjahan Chowdhury, Amir of Chittagong City Jamaat-e- Islami, who reiterated the demand to ban ISKCON.
Chinmoy Expelled, ISKCON Denies Responsibility
In the wake of the lawyer's murder, the country erupted with demands to ban ISKCON. Against this backdrop, ISKCON Bangladesh organized a press conference at its Swamibagh Ashram in Dhaka on November 28.
Charu Chandra Das Brahmachari, General Secretary of ISKCON Bangladesh, stated in a written address that Chinmoy Krishna Das Brahmachari is not a member of ISKCON Bangladesh and has been expelled from the organization. He clarified that ISKCON bears no responsibility for his statements or activities. He noted that several months ago, Leelaraj Gour Das (Principal of Prabartak Sri Krishna Temple), Swatantra Gouranga Das (member), and Chinmoy Krishna Das (Principal of Pundarik Dham in Chittagong) were relieved of their duties for violating organizational discipline.
Charu Chandra Das added, "We want to state clearly that ISKCON Bangladesh has no involvement with heinous incidents like the murder of the lawyer or the ongoing movement. These falsehoods have reached such a level that even road accidents are being labeled as ISKCON conspiracies."
During the Q&A session, Hrishikesh Gouranga Das, a member of the executive committee and child protection team, revealed that several children had accused Chinmoy Krishna Das of misconduct. Following these allegations, Chinmoy was asked to step down from his positions for three months pending an investigation. However, he refused to comply with the organization's directives. Consequently, he was permanently expelled from ISKCON Bangladesh in July.
When asked about the comments made by Suvendu Adhikari, the BJP leader and Leader of the Opposition in the West Bengal Legislative Assembly, Hrishikesh Gouranga Das stated that ISKCON is an international organization and is not operated from India. He emphasized that what any individual says is their personal matter. It is noteworthy that Suvendu Adhikari had announced a blockade at Petrapole to stop goods from entering Bangladesh and demanded the total suspension of visas for Bangladeshis, stating, "Go to Karachi or Lahore for treatment; do not come here."
Satyaranjan Barai, President of ISKCON Bangladesh, issued a strong call to ensure exemplary punishment for those involved in the murder of lawyer Saiful Islam. He reiterated that ISKCON Bangladesh is a non-political, peaceful religious organization dedicated to communal harmony and human welfare.
Cases, Arrests, and the Silencing of Protests
Following the murder of lawyer Alif, his father, Jamal Uddin, filed a case at the Kotwali Police Station on
November 29, naming 31 individuals and 15 to 16 unidentified persons. On July 1, 2025, the investigating officer (IO) submitted a chargesheet naming 38 individuals, with Chinmoy Das as the primary accused. On August 25, the court accepted the chargesheet against 39 defendants. By January 10, 2026, the latest arrest in the case was Sri Ganesh (19), a resident of the Sevak Colony.
On January 19, 2026, a Chittagong court ordered the start of the trial by framing charges against 39 individuals, including Chinmoy Krishna Das, for the murder of Saiful Islam Alif. Judge Zahidul Haque of the Divisional Speedy Trial Tribunal issued the order following the hearing.
The situation arising from the murder of lawyer Saiful Islam Alif effectively halted the protest initiatives of the minority community. While programs against minority persecution were held in neighboring India, the UK, the US, Australia, and other parts of the world, and international media published numerous reports, the situation in Bangladesh remained stagnant. Chinmoy Krishna Das did not receive bail, and no effective remedy for minority persecution was found. Instead, the nature and intensity of the persecution appeared to increase.
Following the fall of the Awami League government, a wave of dismissals swept through various professions, including teachers, doctors, and government officials, under the label of being "accomplices of fascists." Although individuals from both Muslim and Hindu communities faced such persecution, the fear of dismissals and forced resignations added a new dimension of vulnerability for minorities during this turbulent period.
On August 31, 2024, at a press conference organized by the Bangladesh Chhatra Oikya Parishad (an affiliate of the Bangladesh Hindu Buddhist Christian Oikya Parishad) at the National Press Club, it was reported that in the 25 days following August 5, at least 49 teachers from minority communities had been forced to resign.
On January 30, 2025, during another press conference at the National Press Club, the Bangladesh Hindu Buddhist Christian Oikya Parishad revealed that out of 804 Sub- Inspectors (SIs) appointed in the 40th Cadet SI batch, dismissals were carried out in four phases starting from October 21. Among the 321 dismissed officers, 103 belonged to minority communities. Additionally, of the 55 female officers who were let go, 33 were dismissed, 16 of whom were from minority backgrounds. They further noted that 227 candidates were excluded from the 43rd BCS, including 82 individuals from minority communities.
Hashtag TMD
Two days after the murder of lawyer Saiful Islam Alif in Chittagong, the earliest posts using the hashtag TMD were found on the social media platform Facebook on November 28, 2024. On that day, a user posted “Total ملعون death #TMD”. Translated into Bengali, this stands for “Complete extermination of Malauns.” At that time, it was seen being used directly in this sense.
The word ملعونor Malaun is originally an Arabic word whose literal meaning is "cursed." However, in the context of Bangladesh and South Asia, the word has long been used as a derogatory slur directed at the Hindu community. Over the following year, it took various forms, including “Total Misti Distribution.” But regardless of the meaning or form, the TMD hashtag was mostly seen used alongside anti- Hindu posts in several Facebook pages and groups. The trend of hate-filled use of TMD is not the first in Bangladesh. In the past, similar usage was seen in Western online circles as ‘Total Muslim Death’ and in India as ‘Total Mulla Death’. During the Israeli attacks on Gaza, hashtags like TMD (Total Muslim Death) and TPD (Total Palestinian Death) were also used to spread hatred against Palestinians and Muslims.
In the last week of October 2025, #TMD returned to Bangladeshi social media. Online analysts believe that this genocidal and provocative hashtag was reactivated in light of three events organized during this time.
October 15. In Kaliakair, Gazipur, Ms. Shiuli Begum filed a case against three people, alleging that they ‘enticed and misled’ her 13-year-old daughter into abduction and rape. In the case filed naming Joy Kumar Das as the main accused, the plaintiff Shiuli Begum stated that the daughter’s signed statement read: “Accused No. 2 (Loknath) lived in the same house at our current address. Accused No. 1 (Joy Kumar) is the nephew of Accused No. 2. Accused No. 1 used to visit the house of Accused No. 2. Taking advantage of that, about four months ago, Accused No. 1 misled and enticed my daughter (name withheld) in various ways and established a romantic relationship. Taking advantage of the fact that my husband and I were at our workplace, when my daughter went in front of my rented house at Sikdar Billah’s house in Purba Mouchak under Kaliakair police station on 20/08/2025 at about 08:00 AM, Accused No. 1, with the help of Accused Nos. 2 and 3, misled and enticed my daughter, abducted her, and took her to the rented house of Accused No. 2 Loknath Chandra Das in Bandura under Nawabganj police station of Dhaka district. After taking her to that house, on 20/08/2025 at about 08:00 PM, inside the rented house of Accused No. 2 Loknath Chandra Das in Bandura under Nawabganj police station of Dhaka district, with the help of Accused Nos. 2 and 3, Accused No. 1 Joy Kumar Das misled my daughter in various ways... (name withheld)... and raped my daughter. Later, with the help of
Accused Nos. 2 and 3, Accused No. 1 raped my daughter multiple times in the same house until 22/08/2025.”
Capitalizing on the victim's Muslim identity, minority age, and status as a madrasa student, and the accused's Hindu identity, anti-Hindu propaganda reached a peak on social media. Allegations of planned ‘Love Jihad’ were raised, and the demand to ban ISKCON was revived. Along with social media, protests were staged in various places, especially by madrasa students. When a situation of communal violence arose surrounding this incident, a post was made on the verified Facebook page of the Bangladesh Police on October 18, stating that there was no communal involvement in the incident. The police's Facebook post further informed that the 13-year-old girl had a romantic relationship with a local youth, Joy Kumar Das. The girl had voluntarily returned home after running away with Joy Kumar twice before. Most recently, on August 20, the girl ran away with Joy Kumar again and voluntarily returned home two days later. Based on the case filed by the girl's mother, Ms. Shiuli Begum on October 15, the police arrested Joy Kumar Das and his associate Loknath Chandra Das. The case is currently under investigation.
At midnight on October 21, Bangladesh University of Engineering and Technology (BUET) suddenly became heated. Protests were organized against Srishanta Roy, a student of the 21st batch of BUET from the Electrical and Electronic Engineering (EEE) department, alleging that he made indecent comments about Muslim women and confessions of rape on the social media platform Reddit. In the face of protests, the Director of the BUET Directorate of Students’ Welfare, Professor Dr. A. K. M. Mazharul Islam, announced the decision to temporarily cancel Srishanta Roy's studentship in a written notice that night. However, the protesters expressed dissatisfaction and remained firm in their demand for permanent expulsion and arrest. In this situation, BUET security guard Md. Afghan Hossain filed a case against Srishanta Roy under the Cyber Act at Chawkbazar Police Station on October 21. He was sent to jail the next day. On November 5, the court granted permission to take Srishanta on a three-day remand for interrogation. The case alleged that the accused Srishanta, while staying at Ahsan Ullah Hall of BUET, used the pseudonym ‘Weekly Service’ ID to write various posts about Muslim women and the religion of Islam from June 8 to September 7. The accused made obscene comments regarding Muslim women and religious hatred and derogatory comments, which hurt the religious sentiments of other BUET students and devout Muslims. On November 11, the Chief Metropolitan Magistrate (CMM) court in Dhaka denied Srishanta Roy's bail and ordered him to be sent to jail.
October 22. Mufti Mohammad Muhibbullah Miaji, the 60- year-old khatib of the T&T Colony Jame Mosque in Tongi, Gazipur, is better known as Maulana Mufti Muhibbullah Madani. In the morning, his family filed a general diary (GD) at the Tongi East Police Station, mentioning that he had been abducted while going to pray. This news spread quickly in Tongi and surrounding areas. Anxiety among the mosque's worshippers, tension among the locals, and various speculations online made the incident a much- discussed issue. The police also took the matter seriously.
On the evening of October 23, locals found a person chained to a tree in the Helipad Bazar area of Tetulia Police Station in Panchagarh district. He identified himself as Maulana Mufti Muhibbullah of Gazipur. The incident spread quickly among the locals, and later the police went and rescued him.
After being rescued, he told media workers at Panchagarh Modern Sadar Hospital, “I went out for a walk from home at around 7:00 AM on Wednesday. After a while, an ambulance came and stopped in front of me. Four or five people got out, held something to my face, and pulled me into the ambulance. Then they blindfolded me with a black cloth.” Mentioning that those who took him did not seem to be Bangladeshi citizens, he further said, “They were speaking in pure Bengali.” Muhibbullah also alleged that he had been receiving threats via anonymous letters for the past 11 months. He claimed that these letters asked him to speak in favor of Akhand Bharat and the Hindu religious organization ISKCON. At the same time, he was asked to speak against the country's religion-based parties and the BNP-NCP. He claimed that the latest letter on October 21 forbade him from saying the words Quran, Islam, and Allah, among other things.
When he was taken to the Tetulia Upazila Health Complex in Panchagarh, the doctor said there were no signs of injury on his body. Only painkillers were given. As soon as this report reached the police, the direction of the investigation changed. On the afternoon of October 24, an investigation team from Gazipur Metropolitan Police reached Panchagarh and took Muhibbullah to Gazipur. At night,
Muhibbullah filed a case at Tongi East Police Station naming 4-5 unidentified people as accused. In the statement, he suspected that followers of ISKCON might be involved in this abduction.
Meanwhile, after the Juma prayers on Friday, October 24, worshippers from various mosques in Tongi, Gazipur, took out a procession and blocked the Dhaka-Mymensingh highway. Traffic was stopped for an hour and a half. At that time, the Station Road area was vocal with slogans like ‘Ban ISKCON’ and ‘We want justice for the torture of scholars.’ Later, around 3:30 PM, the situation returned to normal with the intervention of the police and local administration. Participants in the protest included the Amir of Gazipur District Hefazat-e-Islam Mufti Masudul Karim, Mufti Nasir Uddin Khan, BNP nomination candidate for Gazipur-6 seat Sarkar Javed Ahmed Sumon, Sarkar Shahanur Islam Rony, and imams, khatibs, and worshippers of various mosques. Speakers alleged that the extremist Hindu organization ISKCON was destroying the communal harmony of Bangladesh. On the same afternoon, scholars and Hefazat leaders took out a procession from the Joydebpur Central Mosque in Gazipur city. The procession paraded past the office of the District Superintendent of Police and ended at the 36th July Square. At a rally presided over by District Hefazat General Secretary Maulana Fazlur Rahman, speakers included Maulana Ataur Rahman Bikrampuri, Mufti Abdul Mannan, Maulana Habibur Rahman Miaji, and student leader Mubashir Hossain. They said, ‘ISKCON wants to implement the Indian agenda by delibaretly provoking the Muslims of the country. If the administration does not take swift action, a strict movement will be developed across the country.’ Muhibbullah's son Mohammadullah and several others were also seen on social media Facebook announcing to kill ISKCON members.
In the meantime, the police collected CCTV footage from seven cameras around the site of Mufti Muhibbullah's alleged abduction and tracked his mobile phone. Analyzing these, the police became certain that no abduction had taken place. He had gone to Panchagarh alone voluntarily. He had even put the chain on his own leg and lay down. After being certain, the police took him into custody and began questioning him. At one stage of a continuous 5-hour interrogation, Mufti Muhibbullah admitted that he was not abducted. He had gone into hiding of his own volition. He further said, ‘I wanted to go away for a few days due to personal mental pressure. But the incident took such a turn that it became difficult to return.’ After this confession, the police took a court order to record the matter in writing. On the afternoon of October 28, Muhibbullah was produced before the Gazipur Chief Judicial Magistrate Court. There, his statement was recorded under section 164 of the Code of Criminal Procedure. The court recorded his statement and directed the police on the next steps. After the court proceedings, Khatib Muhibbullah was again taken to Tongi East Police Station. The final stage of his formal interrogation was completed there. Later, as per the court's direction, he was handed over to his family's custody.
Locals were disappointed and surprised by this incident. Hafez Zahirul Islam, president of the T&T Bazar Jame Mosque Committee, said that we could not believe the incident at first. But now the information provided by the police seems to be the truth. A local shopkeeper said, ‘The Khatib was a very quiet person. I never thought he would do such a thing suddenly.’
Regarding the BUET incident, a post was made on Facebook from a profile: “A Malaun son of a pig of BUET forcibly raped a Muslim girl... Malauns consider Muslim women as their sex slaves. I said it before, I gave proof, I am saying it again, you just saw the proof.” This post was accompanied by the TMD hashtag. The next day, October 22, posts with TMD began to appear one after another on the social media platform. “The punishment for the Malus is to kill them by throwing stones #TMD let it be in every area”, “Kafir can’t be friends Cut off the heads of Malus #TMD”, “If you distribute Total Misti like in '46, Malauns will flee... #TMD” – such comments spread within a short time.
After Ataur Rahman Bikrampuri and others began promoting Mufti Muhibbullah's disappearance as a ‘disappearance by ISKCON’ based on his younger son Mohammadullah's statement, various contents began to be widely promoted under the TMD hashtag from those profiles. These contents include text, images, videos, songs, and statements of various individuals. From some IDs and pages, a clip of a speech by Ataur Rahman Bikrampuri was posted with the hashtags #BanISKCON and #TMD. In some other posts, the video of the statements of his younger son and Bikrampuri blaming ISKCON for Muhibbullah's disappearance was posted with the TMD hashtag writing ‘Total Malaun Death’. In this way, the use of the TMD hashtag along with the ISKCON ban hashtag spread further, and the language of hatred also became more intense.
Cyber War of Hate Speech
Starting from October 24, a new trend emerged on Facebook involving the posting of photos with red-orange beards alongside the TMD hashtag. Supporters of TMD began proudly identifying themselves as ‘Banglar Mollah’ (Mullah of Bengal) or ‘Kanglu’. Within just three days (October 24 to 26), support for this new identity was seen in at least 88 public posts on social media. Most participants joined the trend by sharing AI-generated images of themselves with red-dyed beards and hair. The earliest post found on the morning of October 24 carried the caption: “Banglar Mullah, Falao Malur Korolla” (Mullah of Bengal, chop off the head of the Malu).
Investigation into the context of the TMD trend reveals a long-standing culture of anti-Bangladesh memes in Indian social media. Searching for ‘Kanglu’ or ‘Mullah’ on platforms like Facebook, Instagram, Reddit, and X yields numerous memes where Bangladeshi men are mocked wearing red beards, lungis, and prayer caps. These memes portray them as unhygienic, poor, and religiously backward. Recently, this has returned more extensively through AI- generated content. Numerous AI videos show individuals with red-orange beards wrapped in the Bangladeshi flag being presented sarcastically. One viral video on Facebook and X shows an elderly orange-bearded man crying because a DNA test revealed he has “no Turkish blood.” A page named ‘Total Mollah Death-TMD’ was found on Facebook, claiming in its description to be operated from India. Most of the posts on the page are Islam phobic, with some directly threatening genocide. One post read: “Only indiscriminate Mullah Genocide can keep the world anarchy-free and at peace.” The page was previously named ‘Ex Hindu Atheist’ before being renamed in August. Similarly, TMD is seen being used on Twitter in the sense of ‘Total Mollah Death’.
In Bangladesh, various posts have also spread the TMD trend by referencing the 1946 Noakhali riots. On October 24, a photo of a boy with his face covered by a flag with Arabic inscriptions in front of Motijheel Shapla Chattar showed two posters. One read: “It is time to ask our grandfathers what they did in Noakhali, and get ready.” The other poster read: “Perform TMD (Total Misti Distribution) to maintain communal harmony.” The comments below were even more suggestive. Someone wrote: “Catch the Hindus one by one,” while another shared bloody pictures of slaughtered animals. Another post showed a man with an orange beard and green cap choking another man with a tilak on his forehead. The caption for the meme was “Noakhali 1946 #TMD”. This post received nearly two thousand reactions and 1,700 comments. Malicious comments from several Indian accounts were also seen on this provocative post; one commented: “The Bihar riots were more terrible than Noakhali. Perhaps you have forgotten that.”
From TND Group to TMD
A major part of the TMD campaign involves the use of coded or symbolic language. These strategies include word substitution (e.g., using ‘Balu Kotol’ instead of ‘Malu Kotol’) and giving various forms to the acronym #TMD. Examples include: Total Misti Distribution, Tobaroker Mishti Distribution, ‘TAWHID, MANNER, DEEN’, Total Murgi Death, and Total Mollah Drip.
Investigation revealed that the TMD hashtag originally started from a secret Facebook group named The Nawabi Darbar, abbreviated as TND. Several individuals who were members of The Nawabi Darbar group stated on condition of anonymity that the group was opened four or five years ago. This group primarily discussed Muslim history and heritage, especially matters concerning the Sultanate period. The main initiator of the group was a London-based Bangladeshi youth named Shahriar Halim. Another active ID in this group was Hasan Iftekhar. The idea of TMD or Total Malaun Death was brought forward by some members of this group in November last year. However, since the phrase ‘Total Malaun Death’ was too conspicuous and its direct use was risky, those associated with The Nawabi Darbar later gave TMD a pseudonym: ‘Total Misti Distribution TMD’. Subsequently, groups were opened on Facebook under this name, and various posts containing anti-Hindu rhetoric and calls for Hindu genocide were shared with the TMD hashtag. Before the Facebook group was deleted on the afternoon of November 3, its member count was just over 2,700.
TMD at Dhaka University
On October 30, sweets were distributed at Dhaka University under the banner of Total Mishti Distribution; that banner used a ‘monstrous’ image of Sheikh Hasina, and the entire event was publicized as ‘distribution of sweets on the occasion of Sheikh Hasina’s illness.’ However, investigation identified at least 3 organizers of this sweet distribution program at Dhaka University (DU) who had shared anti-Hindu content on Facebook using the TMD hashtag.
One of the organizers is named Mahir Rakin. He is a student of the 2024-25 academic session in the Philosophy department of DU. On August 21 of this year, he shared a 3-second video on his wall with the caption ‘TMD’. The shared video was a scene from a film where a student in a classroom is told by another student in a scolding tone: “Shut up, Malaun.” On July 16, Rakin shared a post from the Awami League’s central Facebook page with the caption “TMD done”. The Awami League page's post stated: “Brave Chhatra League worker Dipto Saha has been martyred by army fire in Gopalganj.” A photo of Dipto's body was also posted. When asked about the meaning of TMD, Mahir Rakin claimed it stands for The Mollah Darbar. He said, “We are a group of people online who do activism regarding the suffering of Muslims all over the world. Making people aware is our primary goal. When we did some activism against the persecution of Muslims in India, it caught the attention of Indian journalist Mayukh. He claimed that we meant Total Malaun Death by TMD and that we were torturing Hindus. We took this as sarcasm and made memes about it. We want to show that we don't care how they frame us.” He added, “Just as students started calling themselves Razakars after Hasina called them that, we have accepted the TMD hashtag matter in the same way.” When asked about sharing the video saying “Shut up, Malaun” on his Facebook profile, he stated he does not remember in what context he shared it.
Another organizer is Rubayet Islam Rafi. He is a second- year student of the 2023-24 batch in the Robotics and Mechatronics Engineering department of DU. Rafi was asked what the TMD hashtag signifies. In response, he said they organized this sweet distribution because news of Sheikh Hasina falling ill had come out. He claimed the hashtag simply means sweet distribution. When asked what other meanings it has, he said, “It could also be ‘Total Muslim Death’. Again, when the persecution of Rohingyas started in Arakan, people also meant that TMD means ‘Total Magh Death’.” At one point, he asked, “Those who are saying TMD haven't killed anyone yet; if their speaking is a crime, what about those (ISKCON) who haven't given any hashtag but are already killing? So the question is who is worse?”
Another organizer of the DU TMD sweet distribution is Md. Solaiman Mia; whose Facebook ID name is D K Solaiman; who studied at the BGMEA University of Fashion and Technology. His profile mentions he was the member secretary of the university's Chhatra Dal committee. Among these three organizers, Solaiman uses the TMD hashtag most frequently on his Facebook profile.
When asked about the TMD hashtag, he made various sarcastic remarks but did not answer any questions.
Analysis of content posted by at least 50 named and anonymous IDs promoting hateful content against Hindus with the TMD hashtag revealed some common characteristics among the posters. For example, these IDs were seen sharing photos of former Al-Qaeda leader Osama bin Laden, former JMB leader Shaykh Abdur Rahman, and North-South student Nibras Islam (attacker at Holey Artisan) with positive remarks, addressing them as ‘leaders,’ celebrating the attack on America’s Twin Towers (9/11), and promoting the Taliban and Al-Qaeda.
When 'Blasphemy' Becomes an Excuse
‘Blasphemy/ Insulting Islam/ Defaming the Great Prophet’ is a widely used weapon for persecuting minorities in Bangladesh. This weapon is extensively used to gain advantages in personal or material disputes. Following the increase in digitization and the mass use of information technology during the Awami League regime, Facebook posts became the primary tool for inciting allegations of ‘blasphemy.’
On September 29, 2012, rumors of Quran desecration were spread on Facebook, and in the wake of those rumors, the houses of the Buddhist community in Ramu were set on fire. Century-old idols and temples were vandalized. The history, heritage, and communal harmony of Ramu were buried under the scorching flames of fire. 12 Buddhist viharas and 26 residential houses were burned. In addition, six more Buddhist viharas and more than a hundred houses were attacked, looted, and vandalized. The next day, on the afternoon of September 30, four more Buddhist viharas were attacked in Ukhia and Teknaf. Thousands of years of archaeological relics in these viharas were burned to ashes.
October 30, 2016. Allegations arose that an image insulting the religion of Islam was posted from the Facebook ID of a fisherman named Rasraj Mandal (alternatively Rasraj Das) of Nasirnagar, Brahmanbaria. Centering this allegation, some local people and later outsiders organized and attacked the house of Rasraj and the houses and temples of other Hindu followers in the area, vandalized them, and set them on fire.
March 17, 2021. A youth named Jhumon Das in Shalla, Sunamganj, posted on Facebook criticizing the then leader of Hefazat-e-Islam, Mamunul Haque. Promoting this as 'blasphemy,' thousands of people carried out an attack with sticks. About 80 to 90 houses of Hindus in Noagaon village were vandalized and looted.
With the fall of the Awami League government on August 5, 2024, the horror of minority persecution that spread across Bangladesh saw the allegation of ‘blasphemy/ insulting Islam/ defaming the Great Prophet’ used extensively. It was also used against many Muslims, and there have been several incidents of accusing Hindus and Muslims jointly.
October 11, 2024. In Nazirpur, Pirojpur, police detained two Chhatra League workers, Rakibul Hasan and Saikat Mridha, on charges of spreading propaganda about the Great Prophet Muhammad (PBUH). On February 13, 2025, poet Shohel Hassan Galib was arrested on charges of religious insult. In July, allegations of insulting Islam were brought against Md. Russel of the 21st batch and Tanmoy Roy of the 23rd batch of the Mass Communication and Journalism discipline of Khulna University.
On October 6, 2025, Shamim Ashraf, a cultural activist of Mymensingh, was arrested on charges of blasphemy in a Facebook comment. On October 8 (2025), Md. Monser Ali, a student of the private United International University (UIU), was subjected to a beating on allegations of insulting Islam; later, he was permanently expelled from the university. On October 24, a demand arose to expel Dhaka University student Abrar Faiaz on the same allegation.
Following allegations of blasphemy, Assistant Professor Nadira Yasmin of Narsingdi Government College was made OSD (Officer on Special Duty) and attached to Satkhira Government College. The Ministry of Education took such a decision based on the demand of Hefazat-e-Islam.
Narsingdi Department of Environment Deputy Director Kamruzzaman Sarkar was transferred to the Dhaka office as an Officer on Special Duty on allegations of blasphemy. Recently, a 57-second fragmented portion of an audio clip spread on social media where most of the words are indistinct. Something like the destruction of the world and people dying in panic can be heard there. Something indistinct about Janaza can also be heard. The rest of the audio was not clearly audible. However, netizens were seen writing in the captions and comments of the video spreading on Facebook that Allah and the Rasul were being insulted. A group of people besieged the office of the Department of Environment demanding trial. In this context, the transfer order for Kamruzzaman Sarkar arrived. Accused Kamruzzaman Sarkar told the media, “Someone called on the mobile and asked for a special unethical favor. I am not mentioning his name for special reasons. Because that favor was not granted, he raised false allegations against me and spread the fragmented portion on social media. However, for legal reasons, I am not disclosing his name and identity for now.”
Authorities removed two teachers of the private University of Asia Pacific (UAP) on charges of blasphemy. The dismissed teachers are Assistant Professor Laika Bashir and Associate Professor Dr. A.S.M. Mohsin. Under the guise of a movement, a ‘mob’ was created in the university, and the two teachers were forced to be removed under pressure. They had been targeted for quite some time, and a ‘mob’ was created in the name of a movement.
However, as the impact is greater, the ‘allegation of blasphemy’ is widely used against minorities, especially the Hindu community.
September 3, 2024. Allegations began that a teenager named Utsab Mandal of Khulna made derogatory remarks about the Great Prophet (PBUH) on Facebook. When the teenager went to a coaching center in the Tutpara area of the city the next afternoon, his friends stopped him. They wanted to know why he made the derogatory remarks. Hearing the news, the teenager's father went to the coaching center. He went to the Deputy Commissioner's office with his son and others. From there, they were advised to go to the police. In the afternoon, the teenager, his father, and some students first went to Sonadanga Police Station. When people gathered there, the teenager was taken to the office of the Deputy Commissioner of Police (South). An enraged crowd besieged that office and began protesting. Members of the Army and Navy also went there to handle the situation. They assured the crowd of the accused's trial through the law. But the people did not listen. Around 11:00 PM, the protesters broke the gate of the Deputy Commissioner of Police's office, entered inside, and beat the teenager. At one point, he was declared dead. Around 12:30 AM, the teenager's body was wrapped in polythene and taken outside the police office under heavy security in an Army vehicle. Even then, the enraged crowd tried to stop the Army vehicle. On September 5, ISPR informed that Utsab Mandal had not died. The teenager's condition was improving. He was being treated under their supervision. ISPR did not provide any further information, citing security requirements. Media workers could not contact the family members of Utsab Mandal even after trying. The police said that they were staying in a secret location for security reasons. Regarding the situation that night, Deputy Commissioner of Police Md. Tajul Islam told the media, "When thousands of students from madrasas joined the excited crowd, we could no longer control the situation. Although we assured trial under existing laws, they demanded the teenager be handed over to them, saying they had ‘no trust.' They demanded that he (the boy) must be handed over to them even for five minutes; trial would not be under the country's existing law; they would judge by ‘their law.' At that time, it became difficult for our police members to survive. They then snatched him away and lynched him.” He further added that "We are still not sure whether the teenager committed blasphemy because no case has been filed yet. We have not started the investigation. It can be said after the investigation. A case will be filed regarding the lynching. And a case will also be filed on the allegation of derogatory remarks about the Great Prophet (PBUH). But even though thousands of people gathered on that allegation and lynched him, no one is coming to file a case now. No one is being found.”
October 1, 2024. Allegations of making derogatory remarks about the Prophet of Islam, Muhammad, arose against Parth Biswas Pintu, a resident of Patiya, on the social media platform Facebook. Regarding this incident, a case was filed at Patiya Police Station on September 28 on charges of hurting religious sentiments. The case was filed by an ambulance driver of Patiya General Hospital. That same afternoon, Parth Biswas Pintu was arrested from the Sadarghat Police Station area of Chittagong city. Meanwhile, as the news of Mr. Pintu's arrest spread, local madrasa students and worshippers gathered in front of the police station and began demanding he should be handed over to them. Over a hundred people took a stand inside and in front of the station with this demand. But when the police did not accept their demand, the station was vandalized and an Army vehicle was attacked. At that time, an Army member was also injured. Amidst this situation, the police produced him in court, and the court sent him to jail.
October 28, 2024. Hridoy Pal is an eleventh-grade student of Kadirdi Degree College in Boalmari Upazila of Faridpur district. After going to college, some students alleged that the teenager wrote “random things” about the Prophet of Islam on Facebook, and after that, a mob was created and an attempt was made to beat him. College Principal Nuruzzaman Mollah rescued him and brought him to his room. But in the meantime, the incident became publicized, and thousands of people gathered, demanding Hridoy Pal be handed over to them. Getting a call from the college, Satair Union Chairman Mohammad Rafiual Alam went to the spot. Before that, he also informed the Boalmari Police Station OC and the Upazila Nirbahi Officer (UNO). Principal Nuruzzaman Mollah later told the media, “He admitted that it was his old ID. But the ID got hacked. The comment came from the ID, but he did not post it. He said he does not use a mobile phone.” The Satair Union Chairman was also saying that “the environment and situation were not such that truth or falsehood could be checked then. Everyone was in a fragile state. People had only one thing to say: he made bad comments about the Prophet.” Chairman Mohammad Rafiual Alam communicated with the enraged crowd to kill time and also informed the Army. Although an Army team came from the local Army camp and rescued Hridoy Pal, the scene created outrage when it was published on social media. In the video spread on Facebook, it is seen that Hridoy Pal's eyes are tied with a pink cloth. Four Army members are carrying him on their shoulders and moving forward. Behind them, the enraged crowd is shouting and telling the Army, “Hit him on the legs!” or “Give him to us for five minutes.” An Army member was also striking him on his waist and legs randomly with a thick stick every now and then. After moving some distance, they put the student in a vehicle. After putting him in the vehicle, an Army member was seen kicking him with boots and striking the soles of his feet again. Although many questioned the behavior of the Army after sharing that video on Facebook, College Principal Mr. Mollah thinks “it was a kind of eyewash.” Boalmari Upazila Nirbahi Officer Mehedi Hasan Chowdhury said, “We had to get out of there first. The situation had gone out of control.” After the Army took him away, the teenager was handed over to the police. The police produced him in court after showing him arrested under Section 54. Although Hridoy Pal was admitted to the college in Satair Union, his house is in the adjacent union, Ghoshpur. Ghoshpur Chairman Imran Hossain said that a procession, protest, rally, and human chain were also held there demanding the teenager's execution. “But the house was not attacked. We did not let anything happen. We, the local people, were on guard for three nights with the cooperation of the administration. We explained to the local people that if he is a criminal, let him be punished ‘according to the rules.’”
November 19, 2024. In Dharmapasha, Sunamganj, police arrested a coaching center teacher named Akash Kumar Singh (26) on charges of making derogatory remarks about the Great Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) and indecent comments about the religion of Islam and women's veiling.
He was sent to jail after being shown arrested in a case filed by Khairul Islam (25) of Khayerdirchar village of the Upazila. The previous day, 30 to 35 local people kept Akash Kumar confined in his house at the Upazila's Thana Unnayan Kendra. Upon receiving the news, Dharmapasha Police detained him in the evening and brought him to the station. Later that night, a youth named Khairul Islam (25) filed a case against him at the police station on charges of blasphemy. Akash Kumar Singh, detained in police custody, denied the allegations. Akash told the media that he did not make any derogatory or adverse comments. He and Khairul teach at a coaching center. He teaches Mathematics. Khairul also wishes to teach Mathematics. There was a misunderstanding between the two regarding this. In continuation of that, this incident was planned and staged to put him in trouble. There was no argument regarding religion at all.
November 16, 2024. In Karimganj, Kishoreganj, a young man named Hridoy Rabi Das from the Rabi Das community worked as a barber in a salon in the Noabad Bhuiyan Bazar area. Some time ago, a romantic relationship developed between him and an orphaned Muslim girl (16) from the same area. Dissatisfaction prevailed among the girl's relatives regarding this. The previous evening, when Hridoy went from his home in Jayka to his workplace at the Bhuiyan Bazar salon, several people including the Muslim girl's relatives called Hridoy and his cousin Shakil Rabi Das and took them to the clubroom of the market. Noabad Union Parishad (UP) Chairman Mostafa Kamal and Market Committee President Manzil Mia, along with five or six others, were present there. They were kept confined in the club for about an hour for interrogation and were beaten. After an hour, three watchmen and a local man sent them to the Army camp in an auto-rickshaw. They were also beaten while being taken in the auto-rickshaw. Upon reaching the Army camp, Hridoy was kept in one room and Shakil in another. Later, around 2:00 AM, Hridoy was taken to the Upazila Health Complex. From there, he was taken to President Abdul Hamid Medical College Hospital where Hridoy died. Lieutenant Colonel Riazul Karim of the Karimganj Army camp said that local people handed Hridoy over to them after lynching him. Later, he was interrogated. During interrogation, important information was found about trapping a girl in a love trap to convert her and traffic her elsewhere. There was a lot of information on his mobile phone regarding these matters. As the matter was sensitive, he was being interrogated until late at night. But suddenly, Hridoy fell ill. At that time, a smell of some kind of narcotic substance was found coming from his mouth. Besides that, the beating by the people and interrogation by Army members; altogether Hridoy fell ill and was first taken to the Upazila Health Complex and later to Abdul Hamid Medical College Hospital. Hridoy died there. Hridoy might have died due to the consumption of narcotic substances or a heart attack. Duty doctor Kamrul Islam of Abdul Hamid Medical College Hospital told journalists that Army members came to the hospital with Hridoy around 2:15 AM. He died here about an hour later while undergoing treatment. There were marks of beating on Hridoy's body. Although the death or murder of Hridoy Rabi Das was not a direct incident of ‘blasphemy,’ his religious identity was certainly a factor in this case.
December 3, 2024. News of a blasphemous Facebook comment regarding the Quran by a youth named Akash Das from Manglargaon in Dowarabazar Upazila of Sunamganj district spread in the area. Police detained Akash from Manglargaon village and took him to the station. But people gathered in the market and held protest rallies. That protest rally was broadcast on Facebook Live. Around 8:00 PM, attacks and vandalism were first carried out in Dowarabazar and then in the adjacent Manglargaon village. Hundreds of people with sticks carried out extensive attacks on Hindu shops, houses, and temples in Dowarabazar. Khokon Roy, General Secretary of the Central Loknath Temple located in Dowarabazar Upazila headquarters, said, "Vandalism was carried out in the Loknath Temple. Temple materials were looted. The temple suffered losses of at least 1.5 to 2 million BDT. The temple, built on 13 decimals of land, was extensively vandalized. Attacks and vandalism were carried out on more than 50 business establishments of the Hindu community in the market.” Bijon Das of Manglargaon said, “After the police took Akash, first his (Akash's) house was attacked and vandalized. There is no one in their house anymore. After that, seven to eight hundred people with sticks carried out attacks, vandalism, and looting in the whole village. They attacked my house, vandalized it, and took away whatever money and gold jewelry were there. I am at home now. But I have sent my wife and daughters elsewhere for security. My house was also set on fire. There are a total of 80 Hindu houses in our village. Among them, attacks and looting occurred in 70 houses. Most of the people of the village left in panic then. Now they have started returning.” Bijon Das further added, "Our neighboring village is Naingaon. There are also a few
Hindu houses there. That village is Muslim-dominated. They did not allow attacks on those Hindu houses.” Meanwhile, the account of Dowarabazar Police Station OC (Investigation) Shamsuddin Ahmed is completely different. He claimed, "Nothing much happened. An attack occurred on one temple and four to five houses. No attack occurred on shops. Those who are saying over a hundred are exaggerating.” He informed that no case has been filed regarding the attack. Akash has been arrested in a case under the Cyber Security Act for the Facebook comment. Investigation is ongoing regarding him. However, we are certain that the Facebook comment was made from his Facebook ID.”
April 10, 2025. During the Esha Adhan at Chunarughat Bazar Jame Mosque in Habiganj, a Hindu youth was detained while playing a guitar on the 3rd floor of the mosque building. The detained youth is Subrata Shil Shankhu (21), son of Sadip Chandra Shil of Ghabigaon village of Ranigaon Union of the Upazila. He was beaten and handed over to the police for ‘hurting religious sentiments’ by playing a guitar on the mosque during the Adhan. Meanwhile, Subrata's Ward Member Jahangir Alam said that Subrata is mentally unbalanced. He has a disability card and a doctor's prescription.
April 22, 2025. Raising allegations of ‘derogatory remarks about the Great Prophet’ against a Production Executive of Kohinoor Chemicals Company, the company's workers took a stand on the road at the Tibet Crossing in Tejgaon around 3:00 PM. They kept demanding his trial and execution. From then on, traffic movement on the roads on both sides was closed. Thousands of people fell into severe traffic jams while returning home from the office in the evening. Shortly after the blockade began, the authorities announced the dismissal of the person against whom the allegation was raised. But the workers still kept the road blocked. They kept shouting slogans demanding the execution of that colleague. The police could not move them even after explaining a lot. In the afternoon, along with a large number of police, Army members were also deployed there. Police members took a stand there with riot-control equipment including water cannons. Around 7:30 PM, traffic movement started after the workers moved away from the main road due to the chase by the Army and Police. The workers gathered in the nearby alleys were removed by blowing whistles and baton charging. Traffic movement became normal after 8:00 PM. Tejgaon Division Deputy Commissioner of Police Ibn Mizan said, “The accused person is in police custody. Preparations are ongoing to file a case against him on charges of religious insult. The police will file the case as a plaintiff. If a case is filed, he will be shown arrested in that case.” Although mainstream media avoided the name of the accused, social media sources reveal his name is Bidhan Chandra Biswas.
June 22, 2025. In Lalmonirhat, a group of people went to the shop of barber Paresh Chandra Shil (69) and his son Bishnu Chandra Shil (35) located at Hanif Paglar Mor in the city in the afternoon and created a commotion. They beat them on charges of blasphemy. In the video spread on social media, a group of people is seen beating the father and son. After that, a team of police from the Sadar Police Station rescued them from the hands of the public and brought them to the station. After the video spread and the incident became known, several hundred worshippers came to the station premises and began shouting slogans. Extra police and Army members were deployed at the station to control the situation. At that time, Sadar Police Station OC Nurnabi gave a speech in front of the enraged crowd. That speech later spread on social media. In the spread video, the OC is heard saying, ‘As an OC, the responsibility of maintaining law and order is mine. But regarding the incident that happened, my heart is also on fire. Tears have come to my eyes like yours. How such a great audacious behavior is done in this country. I give you my promise. Since I have arrested them, I will give them such a case in Bangladesh that ensures they get life imprisonment or execution...’ When asked about this, OC Mohammad Nurnabi told the media that he said the viral speech to control the immediate situation and to calm the people present. There was no other purpose behind it. Lalmonirhat Superintendent of Police Md. Tariqul Islam said that after the Sadar Police Station OC's speech spread on social media, he has been cautioned. He said that since the police and Army members took effective steps, no untoward incident occurred. Regarding this incident, Md. Abdul Aziz, Imam of Namatari Al Hera Jame Mosque of the city, filed a case at the police station as a plaintiff. In the case, Paresh Chandra Shil and Bishnu Chandra Shil were accused, and allegations of religious-hateful activities and hurting religious sentiments were made against them. Later in the evening, they were shown arrested in that case and sent to jail through the court. Dipti Rani Shil, wife of the arrested Bishnu Chandra, said she met her husband and father-in- law imprisoned in jail. They said that last Friday, there was a minor argument with a customer who came for a haircut over charging more money. Later, raising allegations of hurting religious sentiments, people were misled two days after the incident, and hundreds of people were brought to the salon to beat her husband and father-in-law and hand them over to the police. She said, ‘There is no one else to earn in the family. We are in an insecure state. I want the release of my father-in-law and husband.’
July 26, 2025. In a village of Betgari Union of Gangachara Upazila of the northern district of Rangpur, Bangladesh, incidents of attacks and looting of the houses of the Hindu community occurred on allegations of a teenager posting an insult to the Prophet on Facebook. That teenager is a student of a local private educational institution. The local administration said that after the police detained him, he was sent to jail through the court. A case has been filed against him under the Cyber Protection Act. After taking that teenager to the station, the enraged crowd took out a procession demanding trial, went in front of his house, and vandalized the house of a relative of the teenager. Later at night, the police and Army went and brought the situation under control. When attacks on houses started again on Sunday afternoon, the police tried to obstruct. Even then, at least 15 houses were vandalized. At that time, a police member was injured. Dilip Roy, a resident of that area, told the media that the person against whom the allegation was brought told them that he did not do such a thing. "The boy denied the allegation. Even after that, for security reasons, we ourselves handed him over to the police. Despite this, some curious people gathered and came with a procession and attacked our houses. 15 to 16 houses were vandalized and looted."
October 3, 2025. At night, several videos spread on Facebook, in which allegations were raised that Apurba Pal, a student of North South University, had desecrated the Quran. Sharing that student's Facebook post, demands for his arrest were also made. Meanwhile, around 1:00 AM, people began to gather in front of Apurba Pal's house in Bashundhara. Hearing the news, the Vatara Police went there and tried to take the student into custody. Initially, the police sought the public's help to detain him, and the public also assured the police of help. At one point, when the police tried to detain Apurba and bring him to the station, the excited crowd started beating Apurba. When they tried to calm the crowd, they also became angry with the police. When the situation went out of control, additional police members were called to the spot. Amidst the beating, the police managed to take Apurba into custody around 2:45 AM. Apurba is an expelled student of the Media, Communication, and Journalism department of North South University, according to Asif Bin Ali, a lecturer of this department. He told the media, “North South University student Apurba Pal is a converted Muslim. He was my student. At the end of 2023, he changed his religion and embraced Islam, changed his name, and used to practice religion regularly. He attended my classes wearing a jubba and a turban on his head. Unfortunately, the boy later became addicted to drugs and, losing mental control, often behaved strangely on campus in early 2024. He used to go to the mosques of NSU and Bashundhara and scold people if they did not wear a cap or wear clothes above the ankle.”
Stating that Apurba got into ‘trouble’ with several boys and girls on campus over these matters, Asif said, “His elderly mother tried hard to make him healthy, but could not. In 2024, he was expelled from North South University due to drug addiction and abnormal behavior.” In response to a question, Asif Bin Ali said, “If I am not wrong, the university authorities gave him an opportunity to study again considering his mental health condition and the struggle of the family. But unfortunately, neither the boy's drug problem nor his mental problem received proper treatment. Whatever he did, he did it in a mentally ill state. The act is very wrong and hateful. But the matter is not a big conspiracy, rather the work of a mental patient. Everyone who knew him at the university knows this. Now the most urgent thing is to send him to a rehabilitation center (rehab) quickly.”
December 18, 2025. This night was panicky and eventful. The offices of the influential media Prothom Alo and The Daily Star and the cultural institution Chhayanaut building were attacked and set on fire. Amidst all this, news arrived that around 9:00 PM, a garment factory worker was beaten to death in Bhaluka, Mymensingh, on charges of derogatory remarks about religion. After the murder, his body was hung from a tree and burned with fire. The name of the deceased worker is Dipu Chandra Das, aged 27 years. He was the son of Rabi Chandra Das of Mokamiakanda village of Banihala Union of Tarakanda Upazila of Mymensingh. Dipu was a worker at the Pioneer Knitwears (BD) Limited factory in the Jamirdia Dubaliapara area of Bhaluka. In the evening, a worker inside the factory raised a charge of derogatory remarks about religion against Dipu. When the news of that allegation spread, local people and factory workers expressed outrage. Later, an enraged crowd tried to break the factory gate. Then the factory security guards pushed Dipu outside. Dipu was beaten to death. Later, the body was hung on the divider of the Dhaka-Mymensingh highway in front of the factory and set on fire. The next day, Rapid Action Battalion or RAB informed that no direct evidence of 'blasphemy' was found in the incident. Mymensingh RAB Company Commander Md. Samsuzzaman said, "If the deceased had written something on Facebook, then it would be one thing. Everyone there is now saying they did not hear him (the deceased worker) say anything like that themselves. No one was found who heard or saw it themselves (regarding blasphemy).” He informed that "when the situation became turbulent, he was pushed out to protect the factory." RAB informed that after analyzing the video of the incident of beating and burning him to death after being pushed out, two people were detained, and five more people were detained based on their interrogation. Bhaluka Model Police Station Officer-in- Charge Mohammad Zahidul Islam told the media that a case has been filed in this regard, and they have also detained three people on charges of involvement in the incident. Meanwhile, Mr. Islam is saying that the propaganda running on social media that 'mob terrorists' beat the garment worker and killed him with fire after taking him from the police is completely 'fake.' "We were informed much later. He was picked up directly from the factory and murdered," he said. The incident of murdering Dipu Chandra Das on charges of blasphemy and burning his body hanging from a tree created a massive reaction in social media and media worldwide.
In the period from January to November 2025, people of the minority community of the country fell victim to 73 incidents centering on allegations of blasphemy. Human Rights Congress for Bangladesh Minorities (HRCBM) mentioned this information in a report. HRCBM presented this information at a press conference at the Bangladesh Crime Reporters Association (CRAB) in the capital on December 1. HRCBM prepared this report based on the applications of the victims and information sent by representatives. The report said that in the first 11 months of the current year, they have documented 73 incidents based on blasphemy allegations. Among them, cases have been filed in 40 incidents. No case was filed in five incidents. Five students from the minority community have been expelled on charges of blasphemy. They are working on collecting detailed information on the remaining 23 incidents. In the report, HRCBM mentioned details of victims of the minority community being subjected to several blasphemy incidents. Explaining one incident, HRCBM said that on October 23, Purayan Mandal of Dakop Police Station in Khulna was arrested on charges of blasphemy. But HRCBM's investigation found that in fact, a person named Abdur Rahman had made derogatory remarks about the Sanatan religion’s ‘Goddess Kali’ on Facebook. Purayan Mandal replied to that comment of Abdur Rahman. Although Purayan is still in jail, Abdur Rahman remains beyond reach.
Taking into account the incidents organized from August 5, 2024, to January 2026, the number of minority persecutions on the pretext of ‘blasphemy’ will surely exceed 100.
House Burning and Serial Killings
May 22, 2025. In Barada Para of Daharmasiyahati village under Abhaynagar Upazila, Jessore, 18 houses of the Hindu Matua community were set on fire, vandalized, and looted during a religious festival. Allegations have arisen that the incident centered on the murder of a local BNP leader. The village, located within the bills (wetlands) of the Bhabadah region, is inhabited by minority Hindus, most of whom belong to the Matua community. Tarikul Islam Sardar, president of the Nawapara Municipal Krishak Dal of the same upazila, was killed in that village. It is reported that the attack, looting, and arson occurred following that incident. Speaking with police, journalists, and locals, it was learned that a food arrangement for about five to six hundred people had been made that day on the occasion of the annual yagna of the Matua community. The attack took place amidst this. The houses of this village burned for about four hours.
Toward the end of the year, incidents of setting houses on fire began again. December 18, 19, and 22. In Raozan, Chittagong, five houses of the Hindu and Buddhist communities were set on fire in the same manner by ‘locking the doors’ from the outside. According to news sources posted on social media, several houses of the Saha family were set on fire in Dumritala village of Pirojpur on December 27.
Following the murder and burning of the body of Dipu Chandra Das on December 18 on allegations of blasphemy, several Hindu followers became victims of murder in various parts of the country. Although these killings may not be interrelated or driven by the same motive, the series of murders organized within a few days triggered suspicion and panic.
Earlier, on the night of August 9 (2025), two people from the Dalit community were beaten to death in Taraganj, Rangpur. The deceased were Ruplal Das, a resident of the Ghanirampur area of Kursha Union in Taraganj, and his niece's husband Pradip Das from Baluabhata village of Mithapukur Upazila. Ruplal Das was a cobbler by profession and Pradip Das was a van driver. Marriage discussions were ongoing for Ruplal Das's daughter, Nupur Das, with a family in Mithapukur Upazila. The date and time were supposed to be fixed on Sunday. To discuss this, Pradip Das was coming to Ruplal Das's house in Ghanirampur from Mithapukur with his van. However, after arriving at Sayar Union of Taraganj Upazila, he lost the way to Kursha and called Ruplal Das. Nupur Das says, "Father went out to bring brother-in-law. They were coming toward the house in brother-in-law's van." But when their van reached a place called Bottala on Kajirhat road, some people stopped them and began labeling them as ‘van thieves.' This was followed by a lynching incident, in which both were seriously injured and lost their lives. Video footage of the incident has appeared on social media. There, Ruplal Das was seen begging for his life with folded hands. Although no link to communal violence was found in this double murder, it remains a cruel example of the mob violence that began intensely in Bangladesh from August 5, 2024.
After the murder of Dipu Chandra Das on December 18, an Ansar member named Brajendra Biswas (40) was killed by a colleague's gunfire in Bhaluka, Mymensingh, on December 29. APC Md. Azahar Ali, an Ansar member on duty, said, “At the time of the incident, Ansar members Noman Mia and Brajendra Das were sitting together in my room. Suddenly, Noman pressed a gun (shotgun) to Brajendra Das's thigh, said ‘I’m shooting you,’ and fired. Then Noman fled. But before this, I did not see any altercation or argument between them.”
On December 25, a youth named Amrita Mandal alias Samrat (29) was beaten to death on charges of extortion in Pangsha Upazila of Rajbari.
January 5 (2026). A businessman named Rana Pratap Bairagi was killed by seven rounds of bullets to the head in Monirampur, Jessore. The murder took place at Kapalia Bazar around 6:00 PM that day.
January 5. A businessman named Sharat Chakraborty alias Moni (40) was hacked to death at his house gate while returning after closing his shop in Palash Upazila of Narsingdi. The incident took place around 9:00 PM at Sultanpur in Charsindur Union of the upazila.
January 6. In Naogaon district, when a Hindu youth named Mithun Sarkar (25) was chased on suspicion of being a thief, he jumped into a water body to save his life. He drowned and died there.
January 7. A businessman named Khokon Chandra Das was hacked and burned to death in Damudya, Shariatpur.
January 9. In Sunamganj, a youth named Joy Mohapatra was called to a shop and beaten. Later, poison was poured into his mouth. He died while undergoing treatment.
January 24. A garage in Narsingdi was set on fire late at night. Chanchal Bhowmik was sleeping in the garage. He died being burned in the fire that raged for two hours. Relatives and colleagues of Chanchal are calling the incident a planned murder. According to garage owner Rubel Mia, “I cannot consider his (Chanchal) death an accident; it is definitely a murder. Not a single earning person is left in that family.” He informed that he went to the house in Comilla with Chanchal's body on Saturday evening. Chanchal's funeral was completed at the local crematorium on Sunday afternoon.
Account of Communal Terrorism
January 29, 2026. In a press conference of the Bangladesh Hindu Buddhist Christian Unity Council, a report presented based on information published in various media stated that in the past one year (from January to December 2025), a total of 522 incidents of communal violence occurred in different regions of the country. Among these, there were 61 incidents of murder. In those incidents, 66 people became victims of murder. Additionally, there were 28 incidents of violence against women and rape, 95 incidents of attacks and looting of places of worship, 102 incidents of attacks, vandalism, looting, and arson of houses and business establishments, 38 incidents of abduction, extortion, and torture, 47 incidents of attacks, death threats, and harassment, and 36 incidents of forced occupation of houses, land, and business establishments. During this period, 36 people were arrested and subjected to torture on allegations of so-called blasphemy. The report mentioned that in the previous year, following the political transition, 2,174 communal incidents occurred from August 4 to December 31, 2024.
According to the information provided in the organization's report: from August 2024 to January 2026, a total of 2,696 incidents of communal terrorism occurred in Bangladesh. The types of terrorism include: murder, violence against women and rape, attacks and looting of places of worship, attacks and looting of houses and business establishments, abduction, extortion, and torture, death threats and harassment, forced occupation of houses, land, and business establishments, and the arrest and torture of 36 people on allegations of blasphemy.
Denial of the Truth
On August 5, 2024, immediately after the fall of the Awami League government, Army Chief General Waker-Uz-Zaman addressed the nation. In his speech, he stated, “Place your trust in the Armed Forces. We are taking all the responsibility.” Needless to say, this trust bore no fruit. From the afternoon of the 5th, unprecedented anarchy began across the country. The persecution of minority communities was a key element of this anarchy. The Armed Forces of Bangladesh failed to ensure the security of minorities.
On August 8, 2024, Nobel Peace Prize laureate Dr. Muhammad Yunus arrived in Dhaka from Paris to take charge as the Chief Adviser. At the airport, he said, “On the way, we heard that there is a breakdown of law and order here. People are attacking people, setting houses on fire, destroying property, looting, and stealing. Offices and courts are being attacked, and minorities are being targeted. Attacks are ongoing against Hindus, Buddhists, Christians, and Ahmadiyas. These are part of a conspiracy; they are not our way. Our job is to protect these, to protect everyone, every human being. Every person is our brother or sister; we must protect them.”
On the afternoon of August 13, while visiting the Dhakeshwari Temple, Dr. Yunus said, “We must establish human rights and freedom of speech. This is our main goal.” At this time, he urged citizens to consider members of the Hindu community as ‘human beings and children of this soil.’ When religious leaders of the Hindu community drew the Chief Adviser's attention to the attacks and sought a permanent solution, he promised to ensure punishment for the perpetrators and establish justice, saying, “In our democratic aspirations, we are considered not as Muslims, Hindus, or Buddhists, but as human beings. Let everyone’s rights be ensured.”
However, in an interview given to the US media outlet NPR in the last week of September, he effectively blamed the Hindu community itself for the communal attacks and violence. Dr. Yunus gave that interview on the sidelines of the UN General Assembly session in New York. In response to a question regarding attacks on minority Ahmadiya and Hindu communities, attacks on shrines, and deaths due to mob justice, Dr. Yunus said that people were in a revolutionary mood. A revolutionary situation was prevailing. Many were killed. People were looking for those because of whom their fellow fighters had lost their lives. Therefore, they attacked the supporters of the party led by Sheikh Hasina. The Chief Adviser said, ‘When you talk about minorities. These minorities, especially the Hindu community, are linked with her (Sheikh Hasina's) party. So, you cannot separate whether they were attacked for being followers of Sheikh Hasina or for being Hindu.’
In other words, he explicitly linked the Hindu community with the Awami League. Since a ‘revolutionary situation’ prevailed, supporters of the party led by Sheikh Hasina were attacked. Nobel laureate Dr. Yunus thus manufactured a justification for attacks on a religious community by applying a political tag to them. Following this, the Press Wing, led by his Press Secretary Shafiqul Alam, became active in denying the persecution of minorities and painting it with political colors.
On January 30 (2025), at a press conference of the Bangladesh Hindu Buddhist Christian Unity Council, Acting General Secretary Manindra Kumar Nath said that however the ongoing violence is explained, the Unity Council believes that since August 4, all types of crimes including attacks on houses, places of worship, and business establishments, vandalism, looting, arson, rape, and murder are being carried out by targeting religious and ethnic minority populations. Men, women, and adolescents of the minority community are victims of such violence. During this period, across 174 incidents, there have been 23 murders, 9 cases of violence against women, rape or gang rape, 64 attacks and vandalism of places of worship, 15 arrests and tortures on allegations of blasphemy, 38 attacks, vandalism, looting or arson of houses and business establishments, and 25 incidents of forced occupation of houses, land, and business establishments.
On February 3, a message sent to the media from the Press Wing of the Chief Adviser of the interim government stated that the claim of 23 people being killed in communal violence is not correct. The message further stated that among the deaths, a maximum of seven are related to theft and robbery, four involve personal and family feuds, three involve general crimes such as rape, death from excessive alcohol consumption, and death from fights between two parties over sarcastic remarks, two are accidental deaths, two are deaths due to business rivalry, one is a death in a local conflict, one is a death related to a land dispute, and one involves a suicide. Although the actual cause of another death is not yet known, it has been confirmed that there is no issue of communal conflict there.
On January 19 (2026), Press Secretary to the Chief Adviser Shafiqul Alam presented data based on a year-long review by the Police Headquarters. In 2025, the police documented 645 incidents of violence nationwide involving members of minority communities. Among these, the interim government identified 71 incidents as ‘communal’ and 574 incidents as ‘non-communal’ or general crimes. Among the 71 incidents, there were 38 cases of temple vandalism, 8 cases of arson, 1 case of temple theft, 1 murder, and 23 others (threats to break idols, Facebook posts, etc.). 50 cases were filed regarding these incidents, and 50 people were arrested.
Out of the 574 incidents identified as ‘non-communal,’ there were 172 unnatural deaths, 106 thefts, 58 rapes, 51 neighbor disputes, 23 land disputes, and 26 cases of prior enmity, along with 138 other crimes. Regarding these incidents, 390 regular cases and 154 unnatural death (UD) cases were filed, and 498 people were arrested. Other crimes include abduction, intimidation, extortion, etc.
The trend in Dr. Yunus's interview with NPR in September 2024 and the subsequent efforts by the Press Wing led by Press Secretary Shafiqul Alam is noteworthy. They are active in identifying crimes committed against minorities as non-communal/political/general crimes. Through this, they essentially seek to deny the truth of communal terrorism. Although minorities are often not attacked directly for religious reasons, they become easy targets because of their ‘minority identity.’ If attacks on their homes or businesses during political instability are labeled merely as 'political,' the actual truth remains hidden. If the state denies this structural risk, criminals receive the message that attacking minorities can be passed off as a 'general crime.' This 'Denial' or refusal to acknowledge communal terrorism by downplaying it as political or general crime is, in turn, an extended part of the crime itself.
According to international human rights law, particularly Articles 2 and 26 of the ICCPR (International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights), the state is obligated to protect citizens without discrimination. When the communal motive of a crime is hidden and called a 'land' or 'political dispute,' it is viewed in international legal terms as the 'Misclassification of Hate Crimes.'
In the view of human rights theorist Gregory Stanton, one of the stages of persecution against a group is 'Denial.' This denial not only grants impunity to the criminal but also curtails the victim community's right to justice. According to the 'Due Diligence' principle of international law, it is the state's responsibility to uncover the hatred or 'Bias Motive'
behind a crime. Failing to do so means indirectly condoning that crime.
Data Driven Report
This report provides a data-driven overview of the persecution faced by religious and ethnic minorities in Bangladesh following the fall of the Awami League government on August 5, 2024. The data is categorized by the type of violence, regional distribution, and professional impact to facilitate the creation of infographics.
1. Aggregate Impact and Fatalities
The period following the political transition saw a significant surge in communal violence.
Total Communal Incidents: Between August 2024 and January 2026, a total of 2,696 incidents of communal terrorism were recorded.
Immediate Aftermath (Aug 4–20, 2024): In just 17 days, 2,010 incidents occurred across 76 districts and metropolitan areas, affecting approximately 50,000 people from 1,705 minority families.
Fatalities: At least 9 people were killed in the initial 17-day wave. Throughout 2025, 61 incidents of murder resulted in 66 deaths.
Sexual Violence:4 women were victims of rape or gang rape in the first two weeks. In 2025, 28 incidents of violence against women and rape were documented.
2. Property Destruction and Arson
Minority-owned businesses and homes were primary targets for looting and arson.
Houses and Businesses: Between August 5 and August 20, 2024, at least 1,068 minority-owned structures were damaged. By early 2026, the total included 915 houses and 953 business establishments attacked or set on fire.
Ahmadiyya Community:137 houses and 6 mosques belonging to the Ahmadiyya community were damaged.
Ethnic Minorities: At least 18 houses were vandalized or burned in 10 separate attacks on ethnic minority groups.
3. Religious and Cultural Persecution
Religious sites and festivals faced systematic targeting, often under the guise of "victory processions."
Places of Worship:69 places of worship were attacked, vandalized, or looted in the initial August 2024 wave. In 2025 alone, 95 incidents involved attacks on temples or other religious sites.
Idol Vandalism: During the 15 days leading up to the 2024 Durga Puja, idols were vandalized in 19 mandaps across 14 districts.
Festival Decline: The number of Durga Puja mandaps decreased by 947, dropping from 32,408 in 2023 to 31,461 in 2024 due to fear and extortion threats.
Extortion: Some temple committees in Dakop, Khulna, received letters demanding 500,000 BDT per temple to allow puja celebrations.
4. Regional Distribution of Attacks (Aug 5–20, 2024)
The violence was geographically widespread, with the highest concentration in the southwestern region:
Khulna Division: 295 attacks.
Rangpur Division: 219 attacks.
Mymensingh Division: 183 attacks.
Rajshahi Division: 155 attacks.
Dhaka Division: 78 attacks.
Barishal Division: 68 attacks.
Chattogram Division: 45 attacks.
Sylhet Division: 25 attacks.
5. Professional Persecution and Dismissals
Minorities in public service and education faced forced removals and exclusions.
Education: In the first 25 days after August 5, at least 49 minority teachers were forced to resign.
Law Enforcement: Out of 321 dismissed Sub- Inspectors in the 40th Cadet batch, 103 (32%) were from minority communities. Among 55 female officers let go, 16 were from minority backgrounds.
Civil Service:82 minority candidates were excluded from the 43rd BCS appointments.
6. The "Blasphemy" Weapon
Allegations of "insulting Islam" were frequently used to incite mob violence.
Documented Cases: Between January and November 2025, there were 73 incidents centered on blasphemy allegations against minorities.
Legal Impact:40 cases were filed following these allegations, and 36 people were arrested and subjected to torture.
Academic Impact:5 minority students were expelled from educational institutions following such charges.
7. Cyber Hate Speech: The #TMD Trend
A targeted hate campaign emerged on social media using the hashtag #TMD.
Meaning: While often sarcastically labeled "Total Misti Distribution," it originally stood for "Total Malaun Death" (a derogatory slur against Hindus).
Nature of Content: The hashtag was used to promote calls for Malaun genocide, celebrate the 1946 Noakhali riots, and demand bans on minority organizations.
8. Discrepancy in Reporting (Denial of Truth)
There is a stark contrast between civil society reports and official government data:
Government View (2025): The Chief Adviser’s Press Wing identified only 71 incidents as "communal" and 574 as "non-communal" or general crimes.
Civil Society View: Human rights organizations argue this is "Misclassification of Hate Crimes,"
where communal motives are hidden by labeling attacks as "political disputes" or "theft".
Chapter VI
The Demolition of Shrines; Attacks on Sufi and Baul Rites
Religious Cleansing and Cultural Genocide
In Bangladesh, approximately 95% of Muslims belong to Sunni ideology. The pioneers who preached Islam in this region seven hundred and fifty years ago were Sunni in persuasion but possessed a profound Sufi ethos. Notable among them were Hazrat Shahjalal (R), Hazrat Khan Jahan Ali (R), and others. They perceived Islam not merely through the structural lens of Fiqh (jurisprudence) or Sharia, but through the path of spiritual purification, love, and humanity. In essence, they practiced Islam across four dimensions: Sharia (Law), Tariqat (The Path), Marifat (Gnosis), and Haqiqat (Truth). Consequently, Islam was established in Bengal primarily through this integrated Sunni-Sufi tradition. These Sufis harmonized Islamic humanism with the language, culture, music, and rituals of the rural populace. Thus, the Islam that flourished in Bengal was tolerant, humane, and centered on devotion. This tradition gave rise to the reverence for shrines, the Dargah culture, and the Pir-Murid (mentor-disciple) relationship. These shrines, monasteries (Khanqah), and hermitages (Astana) became venerated sanctuaries not only for Muslims but for people of all faiths, serving as pivotal spiritual and cultural landmarks, particularly for the subaltern classes. A distinct genre of folk music, such as Murshidi and Marfati, evolved around these shrines. For nearly 750 years, shrines have stood as unique symbols of Bengal's folk culture. Beyond communal harmony and cultural uniqueness, the political inclinations of shrine-followers are also noteworthy. The first uprisings against British colonial rule in Bengal were led by the Fakir-Sannyasi and Pagolpanthi (Ecstatic Devotees) movements.
In the 19th century, the state of Saudi Arabia was formed over a portion of Greater Arabia with British assistance, based on the religious ideology of Muhammad ibn Abd al- Wahhab. His doctrine introduced extremism and a reductionist linearity into Sunnism. This ideology, known as Wahhabism, led its followers to level the graves of the Prophet Muhammad’s (PBUH) prominent companions in Arabia. Wahhabism infiltrated British Bengal in the same century. These groups denounced shrines, shrine-based practices, and the indigenous Baul philosophy of Bengal as Bid’at (heretical innovation) or deviations from Islam. However, they failed to exert significant social influence at that time.
In 1971, Saudi Arabia opposed the Bangladesh Liberation War and supported Pakistan. It is imperative to note that the Jamaat-e-Islami, followers of Maulana Abul A’la Maududi, known as Maududists, acted as armed collaborators for the Pakistanis and participated in the genocide. They, too, are vehemently opposed to shrines. Following the assassination of the architect of Bangladesh, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, in 1975, Saudi Arabia recognized
Bangladesh. During this period, fueled by petrodollars, Saudi Arabia began infiltrating Muslim-majority nations with Wahhabi extremism. They provided opportunities for a vast number of low-income workers from Bangladesh to migrate to Saudi Arabia. Additionally, Wahhabi-ideological madrasas, funded by Saudi interests, began to be established across rural Bangladesh. Consequently, the Maududist Jamaat-e-Islami grew politically more powerful.
Shrines, shrine-based culture, and the Baul community became the collective targets of both factions. Maulana Delwar Hossain Sayeedi, a prominent preacher for Jamaat- e-Islami, would openly advocate for the demolition of shrines in public rallies. Consequently, in 2004, the historic Gazar fish of Hazrat Shahjalal’s (R) shrine in Sylhet were killed via poisoning. These fishes were deeply revered by devotees as living relics from the era of Hazrat Shahjalal (R).
Over the last decade, the rise of ISIS in the Middle East saw the systematic demolition of significant Islamic shrines across that region. Meanwhile, in Bangladesh, through the propaganda of Maududism and Wahhabism on digital platforms and in madrasas, extremism gained a strong foothold within a section of the Muslim population. These forces became desperate to seize control of Bangladesh’s secular politics and harmonious society. As part of this agenda, they aggressively campaigned against the 750-year- old shrine-based culture, labeling it as Bid’at.
On August 5, 2024, immediately following the fall of the Awami League government, extremists launched attacks on shrines. Grave human rights violations ensued: shrines were attacked, vandalized, looted, and set ablaze; bodies were exhumed from graves and burned; Urs (Spiritual Commemoration), Baul music sessions, and local folk music rites were forcibly shut down; shrine-followers were physically assaulted; Bauls and shrine-devotees, often called Pagols, were forcibly detained to have their long hair and beards shorn; and they were characterized on social media as mentally unstable or drug addicts.
The demolition of shrines is not a case of spontaneous violence resulting from political transition, but rather a long- planned and systematic phenomenon. In the seven hundred and fifty years of Islamic history in Bengal, such systematic and calculated attacks against shrines have never occurred before. Therefore, these crimes can be identified as Religious Cleansing and Cultural Genocide.
The following is a list of attacks on shrines, Dargahs, Khanqahs, Astanas, and Baul Akhras from August 5 to the present. Many of these incidents have not been reported in mainstream media. This list cannot be claimed as exhaustive, and many more attacks may remain undocumented.
August (2024)
On August 5, the day the Awami League government was ousted, at least 13 shrines were subjected to attacks, vandalism, and looting.
The targeted shrines are:
1. Bairam Shah Shrine located in Tejgaon Colony Bazar, Dhaka. 2. Haider Ali Shah Shrine, located in 48 Hazaribagh, Dhaka. 3. Garib Shah Baba Shrine, located in Bokultala, Jashore. 4. Syed Reza Shah Chishti Shrine (known as Shah Bhalai), located in Damurhuda, Chuadanga. 5. Khajababa Shah Sufi Abul Hasan Chishti Rauza Sharif, located in the Tarer Pukur area, Khulna. 6. Dewan Sharif Khan Shrine, Narsingdi. 7. Koppa/Kofa Pagla Shrine, located in Parulia village, Palash, Narsingdi. 8. Bigchan Al Sureshwari Shrine, Chalua, Palash, Narsingdi. 9. Golap Shah Shrine, located at Jalim Khar Mor, Raipura, Narsingdi. 10. Syed Reza Sarwar Shrine, Rupganj, Narayanganj. 11. Ashrafnagar Darbar Sharif (Chandpuri Darbar Sharif), Laksam, Comilla. 12. Malek Shah Darbar, Laksam, Comilla. 13. Waishia Darbar Sharif, located in Ghior, Manikganj.
14. Nur Aisa Darbar Sharif, located in Bahadurpur village, Gauripur, Mymensingh.
The fact that these attacks occurred on August 5 itself proves that the demolition of shrines was not an isolated series of incidents, but rather pre-planned. As soon as the
Awami League was deposed, anti-shrine religious and political forces initiated these demolitions.
Between August 6 and August 31, reports were received regarding attacks on an additional 6 shrines, Darbars, and Khanqahs:
1. Samshu Pagla Shrine, Brahmanbaria.
2. Kalu Shah Abdal Shrine, Ullapara, Sirajganj. Kutubuddin Shah Shrine, Kutubpur, Chuadanga.
3. Shah Badiuzzaman Munshi Shrine, Boalkhali, Chattogram.
4. Shahjahan Pagla Shrine, Debidwar, Comilla.
5. Aynal Shah Shrine, Sonargaon, Narayanganj.
6. Ali Pagla Shrine, Kazipur, Sirajganj.
According to available data, a total of 20 shrines were attacked in the month of August.
September
1. The annual Urs (Commemorative Rites) of Hazrat Shah Paran (R), one of the most prominent spiritual figures in Bangladesh, has been a tradition observed for 700 years. On the occasion of the Urs, shrine- devotees and fakirs from across the country gather there. This year, the three-day Urs began on September 7. On the preceding Friday, following the Jummah prayers, a group of protesters organized a human chain and a rally in front of the shrine gate. They demanded the cessation of musical performances, alleging that drug use and immoral activities were being conducted under the guise of music. Under this pressure, the shrine’s custodian, Syed Kabul Ahmed, announced the banning of music at the shrine through a video message on Facebook. To ensure that no musical performances took place during the Urs, shrine authorities, madrasa teachers and students, and local clerics maintained a strict vigil from the outset. The Urs was scheduled to conclude with the Akheri Munajat (final prayer) and the distribution of Shirni (blessed food) after 3:00 AM on the night of September 9. Around that time, several hundred individuals arrived at the shrine to express their grievances regarding the ban on music. This led to an altercation between them and the madrasa teachers and students present at the site. This tension escalated into a violent clash. Teachers and students from various madrasas in the neighboring Jaintiapur and Sylhet Sadar upazilas arrived at the scene, many of them armed with sticks. A clash then ensued with the shrine-followers. At least 20 people, including police officers, were injured. Although not reported in mainstream media, some claimed that several shrine-followers were beaten to death. The situation at the shrine of Hazrat Shah Paran (R) also triggered a state of panic surrounding the shrine of Hazrat Shah Jalal (R).
2. In the border area of Lauwergarh in Tahirpur, Sunamganj, musical performances were banned at the hermitage (Astana) of Shah Arefin (R) due to fears of an attack. On September 12, the management committee hung a banner regarding this decision. When asked about the ban, Alam Sabbir, the member secretary of the committee, stated that recent attacks on shrines and hermitages across the country had created a sense of insecurity. Provocative remarks were being made locally regarding the hermitage, and as a precautionary measure, the Upazila administration took this decision.
3. Toward the end of the month, the shrine of Shah Paran Shah (R), adjacent to Dadshi Singa Government Primary School in Rajbari Sadar, was vandalized and the grave was dug up. The annual Urs is held here on the 10th of Falgun. Local resident Milon Mondal and his wife used to provide regular service (Khidmat) to the shrine. Milon Mondal’s wife said, "A lady from Rajbari, Sabina, and I used to look after the shrine. Two weeks ago, on a Friday, some local youths came to inquire about the activities here. They took away tools, tables, and chairs, stating that women have no place here. They then locked the gate and left. They returned four or five days later to unlock it. On Saturday afternoon, local boys brought two large sound systems and played loud music until 2:00 AM under the pretext of a birthday celebration. The next morning, Sunday, we found that the holy grave (Rauza Sharif) inside had been smashed to pieces."
4. On the night of September 29, an attack occurred at the residence of Sufi saint Kazi Jaber Ahmed near Savar, Dhaka. The attackers attempted to demolish a shrine within the premises. Approximately 20 to 25 people were injured by bricks hurled by the assailants. 5. That same night, the Lalon Anandadham in Motra village, Bhanga, Faridpur, was attacked. After vandalizing the site, the attackers set it on fire. Portraits of Lalon Fakir, several rare books, journals, and musical instruments including the Ektara, Dotara, Baya, Juri, and Guitar were reduced to ashes. A sculpture of Ishwar Chandra Vidyasagar was also destroyed.
Numerous other shrines were attacked, vandalized, or set on fire during September, with some being completely leveled. Notable incidents include:
1. On November 5, an Islamic Mass Convention (Islami Mahasammelan) was held at Suhrawardy Udyan, attracting a massive gathering of various Islamic groups, including members of the Tabligh Jamaat from across the country. During this event, a group identifying themselves as the "Tauhidi Janata" attacked and vandalized the shrine of Hazrat Haji Khwaja Shahbaz (R), located adjacent to the park, and looted the shrine’s donation boxes. The shrine’s custodian, Muhammad Zahiruddin, reported that Tabligh Jamaat members began arriving at the park in the morning. Around 11:00 AM, approximately 500 individuals entered the Shahbaz shrine and went on a rampage. They tore the ceremonial shrouds (Gilaf), smashed bricks within the premises, and damaged the shrine’s walls. Furthermore, they desecrated the shrine and mosque area by urinating indiscriminately. During the assault, two custodians and four visitors were physically assaulted. "Seeing the situation spiral out of control, we notified the Army. Military personnel eventually arrived to restore order," Zahiruddin added. The Haji Shahbaz Shrine and Mosque is a historic landmark and a listed heritage site under the Department of Archaeology of Bangladesh. It was constructed in 1679 during the subedarship of Prince Muhammad Azam, son of Emperor Aurangzeb. Haji Shahbaz Khan was a Sufi saint and merchant who had traveled from Kashmir.
2. The annual Urs (Commemorative Rites) of Yusuf Ali Fakir's shrine in Palash, Narsingdi, was scheduled for November 7. Sajal Fakir, the shrine’s custodian, stated, "The day before the Urs, a group of people accompanied by the police arrived and forced the organizers to cancel the event."
3. On November 22 and 23, a two-day Mahati Sadhusangha (Saintly Congregation) and Lalon Fair were organized at the 'Muktidham Ashram and Lalon Academy' premises in the Madhya Narasinghpur area of Narayanganj Sadar Upazila. Devotees and Baul gurus from Kushtia and other parts of the country had traveled to Narayanganj for the occasion. However, local administration shut down the event following objections from local worshipers and various Islamic parties. 4. Every year on November 25, Fakir Montu Shah organizes a two-day Sadhusangha with Baul artists at his residence in Pardia village, Monirampur Upazila. This year, the gathering was disrupted and spoiled by an attack led by several activists of the local Jubo Dal and Chhatra Dal. Fakir Montu Shah recounted, "The previous night, local BNP leader Faruk Hossain ordered me to stop the Baul music session. This morning, another individual named Shafi came and reiterated the ban. I asked for permission to at least serve the food prepared for the guests, which he granted. However, around 1:30 PM, Chhatra Dal leader Shamim Khan along with others arrived on motorcycles, hurling obscenities and attacking my home. Most Bauls had not even arrived yet. They vandalized the house, threw away supplies from the Khanqah, hacked at the fences with machetes, and looted some cash."
5.In the Lachmonpur area of Sherpur Sadar Upazila, the Darbar of Khwaja Badruddoza Haider, also known as the Murshidpur Pir’s Darbar, was attacked. In the early hours of November 26, a mob of 400 to 500 people, led by madrasa teacher Md. Tariqul Islam, launched an assault on the Darbar. They broke through the corrugated iron fences to enter, carrying out vandalism and looting. When the custodians and disciples attempted to resist, a clash ensued, leaving at least 13 people injured. Upon receiving the news, members of the Army, Police, and RAB arrived at the scene to bring the situation under control. Mahmudan Masud, a custodian of the Darbar, noted that since the political transition on August 5, several teachers from a local madrasa had been threatening to shut down the Darbar's activities.
January 2025
1. Opposite the Kotwali Model Police Station in Mymensingh city lies the shrine of Hazrat Shah Sufi Syed Kalu Shah (R). On the night of January 8, on the occasion of the 179th annual Urs (Commemorative Rites) of this nearly two-hundred- year-old shrine, devotees organized a Qawwali music session on the banks of the Brahmaputra River. The performance began at 11:00 PM, but around 11:30 PM, the venue was attacked. While the artists were quickly evacuated, the miscreants demolished the stage and seating. Later, around 3:00 AM, the shrine itself was attacked. Portions of the permanent masonry structure and the interior belongings were smashed to pieces.
2. The "Phaila Pagla Mela" (Fair of the Ecstatic Phaila) in Sakhipur, Tangail, has been a tradition for 75 years. The month-long festivities begin on the first day of the Hijri month of Rajab, with the main fair occurring on the night of the full moon. Throughout the month, devotees and visitors arrive from all corners of the country with offerings of roosters, goats, and cattle, transforming the redsoiled hilly region of Dariapur into a massive spiritual hub. On January 17, 2003, a militant bomb attack at this fair killed eight people, including the shrine’s custodian Abdul Gani, and injured 15 others. Although attendance dipped for a few years following that tragedy, the fair eventually regained its traditional vibrancy. This year, the month-long fair commenced on January 2. However, at 4:00 PM on January 12, a joint forces operation was conducted at the Phaila Pagla Shrine in Dariapur, resulting in the forceful closure of the fair. The Upazila Nirbahi Officer (UNO), Abdullah Al Roni, told the media that there were specific allegations against the fair. He stated that the operation found preliminary evidence supporting those allegations, leading to the decision to shut it down.
3. The village of Dargahpara in Jatiya Union, Ishwarganj, Mymensingh, was named after the banyan-tree-shaded shrine of Hazrat Shah Syed Maulana Abdul Aziz Bogdadi (R). This year, the 755th annual Urs was organized, scheduled to take place over three days from January 15 to 17. However, the administration ordered the suspension of the Urs following demands from an organization named Ittefaqul Ulama. The Ishwarganj UNO, Md. Ershadul Ahmed, stated, "The clerics do not want the Urs to take place at the shrine. Furthermore, a shrine in Mymensingh city was recently attacked and vandalized. Keeping these factors in mind, the administration observed that it would be difficult to manage if the law and order situation deteriorated.
Since the post-August 5 situation is not yet stable, the Urs activities have been ordered to remain closed. They may resume in the future once the situation normalizes."
Additionally, several other shrines were subjected to attacks and vandalism this month. These include the Kheta Shah Shrine in Karimpur, the Haque Pagla Shrine in Dorinabipur, the Fazlu Shah Shrine in Kalaigovindapur, and the Mohammad Ali Munshi Shrine in Champaknagar, all located in Narsingdi. Furthermore, the residence of Ayub Ali Shah in Srinagar and the Hanif Shah Shrine in Monohardi were targeted. The Syed Ishak Shrine in Panchagarh and the Shukur Ali Shah Fakir Shrine in Gangutia, Dhamrai, were also attacked.
February
1. On February 12, a Lalon Commemoration Festival was organized by the Lalon Sangha in Madhupur, Tangail. However, the organizers were forced to postpone the event due to opposition from the Madhupur branches of Hefazat-e-Islam and the Olama Parishad. Mahmudullah, the General Secretary of the Madhupur branch of Hefazat-e- Islam, confirmed the obstruction to the media, stating that the event was prohibited because it conflicted with Islamic principles.
2. During the annual Urs (Commemorative Rites) of Shah Sufi Ayub Ali Darvesh's shrine in Kaladarap Union, Noakhali Sadar Upazila, a mob launched an attack, vandalizing the festival marquee and the primary structure of the shrine. The assault occurred around 3:00 PM on February 20. Four days prior, another shrine known as "Ghasipur Darbar Sharif," located near the Bepari Bari Mosque in Noakhala Union, Chatkhil Upazila of the same district, was also vandalized by a group of individuals.
3. In Azimnagar, Singair Upazila of Manikganj, the annual Urs ceremony of the legendary Baul Emperor Abdur Rashid Boyati was disrupted and spoiled following opposition from the local "Tauhidi Janata." While the police claimed that no physical attack occurred at the shrine of Rashid Boyati, a member of the shrine committee, speaking on condition of anonymity, asserted that the Urs Mubarak could not be held due to obstruction from local BNP leaders rather than the "Tauhidi Janata."
4. The shrine of "Rahim Shah Baba Bhandari" is situated in Birahimpur village, Singra Union, Ghoraghat Upazila, Dinajpur. The annual Urs was scheduled to take place at the shrine from March 2 to March 4, and the authorities had campaigned extensively to invite devotees. A stage and a large ceremonial archway had been constructed, along with three marquees for devotees arriving from various parts of the country. Around 5:00 PM on February 28, thousands of individuals identifying as "Tauhidi Janata" brought out a procession with sticks under the banner of "Sirat-e-Mustaqim Parishad." During the procession, the shrine was vandalized and set on fire. The assailants dismantled the furniture, tore down the corrugated iron sheets of the structure, and even pried the bricks from the walls.
March
1. The shrine of Hazrat Shah Nawaz Fakir, also known as Langta Pagla, is located near Maska Bazar in Kendua Upazila, Netrokona. Devotees have been observing the annual Urs (Commemorative Rites) at this shrine for a long time. This year, the shrine committee made preparations to observe the 64th annual Urs. However, due to the holy month of Ramadan, they decided to limit the observance to Milad and Doa Mahfil (prayer sessions). In preparation, a ceremonial archway was constructed and the area surrounding the shrine was illuminated. Despite these modest plans, on the night of March 2, following the Taraweeh prayers at a local mosque, a disorderly mob under the banner of "Tauhidi Janata" brought out a procession with sticks. They subsequently attacked the shrine, demolishing the ceremonial archway, the marquee, and the lighting equipment. Consequently, the Urs was spoiled.
2. On March 7, the Urs was held at the Abdul Hekim Shah Shrine in Shibpasha village, Ajmiriganj Upazila, Habiganj. A clash broke out between two groups when a procession identifying as "Tauhidi Janata" attempted to attack the shrine, objecting to the playing of music at the fair organized for the Urs.
3. In Amtali Upazila, Barguna, a group of individuals under the name of "Tauhidi Janata" attacked and vandalized a shrine before setting it on fire. Furthermore, the food prepared for the devotees attending the shrine was destroyed. This incident occurred at the midnight of March 16 at the "Ismail Shah Baba" shrine, located beside the Bottala road in the Upazila.
April
1. On the afternoon of April 12, Abdul Gafur and his 15-year-old son, Mehedi Hasan, were murdered in Naogaon Pashchimpara village under Naogaon Union in Phulbaria Upazila. Abdul Gafur was a local Awami League leader and a traditional mediator (Salishdar). The families of the deceased alleged that Gafur’s cousin, Habibur Rahman-the General Secretary of the Naogaon Union BNP was involved in the double homicide. Following the murders and the subsequent vandalism of Gafur’s home, a mob of 200 to 300 people gathered and attacked the residence of Harun-or-Rashid at Rangamatia Bazar. Harun is a performer in folk theater (Jatra) and music. His house was targeted based on allegations of drug use and his close association with Abdul Gafur. During this incident, several adjacent houses were also vandalized. The mob then attacked the Nurai Pir Dargah located next to the house, vandalizing the structure and setting it on fire. Locals stated that after the murder of the father and son, the situation was diverted into a different channel to facilitate the coordinated attacks, vandalism, and arson on the shrine and surrounding homes.
August
1 The annual Urs (Commemorative Rites) of Hazrat Shah Paran (R) in Sylhet is a tradition spanning nearly 700 years. Historically, the Urs has been observed through the recitation of the complete Quran (Khatme Quran), prayers, Zikir, Milad, the ceremonial placing of shrouds (Gilaf), the ritual slaughter of cattle, and the recitation of Fatiha. The rites conclude with the Akheri Munajat (final prayer) after dawn, followed by the distribution of Shirni (blessed food). This has been the established practice for centuries. However, this year, out of fear of mob violence, the shrine authorities were not permitted to distribute Shirni. Abdul Aziz, a custodian of the Shah Paran (R) shrine, stated that the distribution of Shirni was suspended following administrative directives, citing concerns that the process might trigger clashes.
September
1 In Goalandu, Rajbari, a mob identifying as "Tauhidi Janata" launched a brutal attack on the grave, residence, and Darbar Sharif of Nurul Haque, also known as "Nural Pagla." In a horrific escalation, the attackers exhumed his body from the grave, transported it to the Padma intersection area on the highway, and set it on fire. Local police confirmed that one of the individuals injured during the assault on Friday afternoon, September 5, died while undergoing treatment.
According to multiple eyewitnesses, a large group initially attempted to force their way into Nural Pagla’s hermitage. This led to a confrontation where bricks were hurled between the shrine-devotees and the mob. Eventually, the attackers scaled the walls, entered the premises, and began physically assaulting those present while vandalizing the structures. Eyewitnesses also reported that an attack on the police and the vandalism of a police vehicle occurred prior to this. A few days earlier, an organization under the banner of the "Upazila Iman-Akida Raksha Committee" (Committee for the Protection of Faith and Creed) had held a press conference alleging immoral activities at the shrine and announced a "March for Goalandu" program to be held on that Friday.
2 In Homna, Comilla, four shrines were attacked and vandalized following a social media post allegedly containing derogatory remarks about the Prophet Muhammad (PBUH). During the assault, three residential houses within one of the shrine premises were vandalized and subsequently set on fire. These attacks occurred between 10:00 AM and 11:00 AM on September 18 across four separate shrines in Asadpur village, under Asadpur Union. The targeted shrines include: The shrine of Kafil Uddin Shah, located at the residence of Alek Shah. The shrine of Abdu Shah. The shrine of Kalai (Kanu) Shah. The shrine of Hawali Shah. The "Hawali Shah" shrine is managed by a woman named Hawa Begum, though it is noted that no individual is actually interred at this site. Nevertheless, the shrine-like structure at her residence was set ablaze during the violence. 3A video circulated on social media showing three individuals forcibly cutting the hair of a man who resembles a Baul Fakir. The elderly man struggled for a long time to free himself, but failing to do so, he eventually surrendered in helplessness, saying, "O Allah, You witness this." Upon investigation, the victim was identified as Halim Uddin Akanda (70), a resident of Kodalia village in Tarakanda Upazila, Mymensingh. Local residents know him as Halim Fakir. They clarified that Halim Uddin is not mentally unstable; he is a father of sons and daughters. He had maintained his matted hair (Jot) for 37 years as a devotee of Hazrat Shahjalal (R) and Shah Paran (R). Although a farmer by profession in the past, he now leads a life of a Fakir and practices traditional healing (Kabiraji). A few days before the last Eid-ul-Adha, at Kashiganj Bazar, a group of youths wearing caps and Islamic attire suddenly arrived and forcibly cut his matted hair, beard, and locks. When he tried to resist, the elderly man was subjected to physical abuse and force. Since August 5, such incidents have been occurring in various parts of the country. As the aforementioned incident drew severe criticism, the Ain o Salish Kendra (ASK), a prominent human rights organization, expressed profound concern. ASK stated that Article 31 of the Constitution of Bangladesh guarantees every citizen the right to live a life of dignity under the protection of the law. Article 32 ensures the right to life and personal liberty, while
Article 35 prohibits cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment toward anyone. The human rights organization further noted that publicly and forcibly cutting someone’s hair is not only a violation of the victim's fundamental rights and personal liberty but also a direct assault on their dignity. Such incidents are creating an environment of fear, panic, and insecurity within society.
October
1 In Charbhabna Noyapara village of Charmacharia Union, Sherpur Sadar Upazila, local residents organized a session of Jarigan (a traditional folk music genre). Although an organization named "Ittefaqul Ulama" had forbidden the organizers from holding the event, they proceeded nonetheless. On the night of October 17, members of the organization arrived at the venue armed with sticks, causing the attendees to flee. The assailants then tore down the marquee of the music stage and set it on fire. On their way back, the group was reportedly ambushed by 50 to 60 individuals who pelted them with bricks and chased them with local weapons. In protest, the group demonstrated at the Charbhabna Kandapara intersection that night, and a declaration was made to close all madrasas in the region. The following morning at 10:00 AM, thousands of protesters, including madrasa teachers and students, blocked the Charbhabna four- road intersection for nearly three hours. During the program, they imposed a ban on the movement of Noyapara residents to other villages and prohibited them from opening their businesses until those involved in the ambush were arrested and brought to justice. 2 In Nagarkanda, Faridpur, the Upazila administration shut down a Bichargan (folk musical debate) performance following allegations that it was "anti-Islamic." The event was scheduled to take place on the evening of October 22 at Rasulpur Bazar in Talma Union. Local sources stated that the Bichargan was organized by Solaiman Fakir, a member of the Union Parishad, and had been announced via loudspeakers for two days. A marquee and a stage had been constructed, and several stalls had been set up. At the final hour, around 7:00 PM, the Nagarkanda Upazila Nirbahi Officer (UNO) and the Assistant Commissioner (Land) arrived at the scene and ordered the event to be stopped. UP Member Solaiman Fakir remarked, "Bichargan has traditionally been performed in our area. I organized this one-day event at the request of the locals; there was nothing offensive about it. However, the clerics portrayed the musical event as a Jatrapala (folk theater) and used the UNO to shut down the gathering."
November
1 On the night of November 18, a team from the Manikganj DB Police detained the prominent Baul artist Abul Sarkar from a musical session in Madaripur. The following evening, he was produced before the Manikganj Senior Judicial Magistrate Court, where the judge ordered him to be sent to jail. Earlier that day, Mufti Md. Abdullah, the Imam of Ghior Bandar Mosque, had filed a case against Abul Sarkar. The charges included insulting Islamic beliefs and making derogatory remarks to hurt religious sentiments with the intent to incite communal riots. The case statement alleged that during a Palagaan (folk musical narrative) session at the Khala Pagli Fair in Jabra, Ghior, on November 4, Abul Sarkar made offensive comments regarding Islam and the creation of Allah. Videos of these remarks circulated on social media, sparking a storm of criticism and protest. Human chains and protest marches were organized under the banner of "Aleem-Olama and Tauhidi Janata" at the Manikganj Chief Judicial Magistrate Court premises, demanding exemplary punishment for the artist. Regarding this, Abul Sarkar's assistant artist, Raju Sarkar, stated that a certain group was muddying the waters by circulating partial clips of the performance on social media rather than the full context. He clarified that Abul Sarkar had merely asked the opposing Baul artist a question regarding which of Allah’s three creations was made first. He insisted that Abul Sarkar did not disparage Allah but had spoken against religious fundamentalism during the program. Angered by this, that group circulated fragmented portions of the video. 2 On November 23, fellow Bauls and followers of Abul Sarkar organized a human chain in Manikganj district town demanding his release. Simultaneously, a group under the banner of "Aleem-Olama and Tauhidi Janata of Manikganj" organized a protest march and rally demanding his punishment. This group attacked the human chain, leaving four people injured, including three followers of Abul Sarkar. 3 In another incident on November 26, Baul artists called for a human chain at the Chourasta intersection in Thakurgaon town under the banner of "Sampreetir Oikya, Thakurgaon" to demand justice for the attacks in Manikganj and the release of Abul Sarkar. However, before the program could begin, around 1:30 PM near the court premises, a group of 40 to 50 youths under the banner of "Tauhidi Janata" intercepted and physically assaulted two Baul artists: Shamsul Chishti from Panchbibi, Joypurhat, and Mokhles Pagla from Hothatpara, Thakurgaon.
December
1 In Brahmanbaria, Helal Mia’s family consists of 13 members, nine of whom, including himself, are visually impaired. Despite their disability, they do not beg; instead, they sustain their livelihood through music. Sixty-five-year-old Helaluddin received musical training in his youth from the artist Shahnoor Shah of Bhatpara village. Since then, music has been both his passion and profession. For the past 40 years, this family of blind artists had been supporting themselves by performing in a corner of the Brahmanbaria Municipal Park. Recently, however, he was threatened and ordered to stop singing, being told to beg instead. He was also warned of the fate of the imprisoned Baul artist Abul Sarkar. Out of fear, Helaluddin and his family have ceased their musical performances. 2 On the night of December 11, around 11:00 PM, a group of miscreants launched a sudden attack and carried out vandalism during a Baul music session in front of Shamim Driver’s house in Gonoi Bhorua Para, Pakuria Union, Sherpur Sadar Upazila. The unexpected assault left the audience stunned and created an atmosphere of panic in the area. 3 On the night of December 25, the shrine of Shahjahan Uddin (R) Aulia in Tengapara village, Gauripur, Mymensingh, was vandalized and desecrated with human excrement. The shrine’s custodian, Md. Saidur Rahman, lamented, "I have been at this shrine for nearly 40 years, and such an incident has never occurred before. I learned from my forefathers that this shrine was established during the Mughal era. Thousands of devotees visit every year. It is painful to accept this attack on the shrine." 4 In the early hours of December 27, under the cover of darkness, four shrines- including the Satya Pir
Shrine in Thakurgaon- were attacked and vandalized. Local residents noted that these shrines are centuries old and that such incidents had never taken place in the past.
January (2026)
1 The three-day annual Urs (Commemorative Rites) of Shah Khwaja Sharfuddin Chishti, popularly known as the "High Court Mazar" located adjacent to the High Court in Dhaka, was scheduled to commence on January 9. In anticipation, devotees, Ecstatic Devotees (Pagols), and followers from across the country, including Dhaka, gathered at the shrine premises in the evening. However, in the evening, the police forcibly evacuated them from within the main structure. The police claimed that the Urs had already concluded during the day. Despite this, some devotees and Ecstatic Devotees remained in the vicinity. For alleged security reasons, they were barred from entering the shrine located within the High Court premises. The devotees complained that they were not even permitted to perform the ritual of lighting candles and departing as per tradition.
A Research Summary
Despite 97 shrines being attacked across the country in the 1.5 years following the fall of the Awami League government, only 11 cases have been filed. Among these, a research study reveals that 10 cases have shown "no progress" in their investigations.
On February 2, 2026, these findings were presented at the Dhaka Reporters' Unity by 'Makam: Center for Sufi Heritage,' a Sufi-centric research institution, in their report titled "Attacks on Shrines Nationwide in 2024–25."
The study, which spans from August 5, 2024, to December 31, 2025, reveals that 3 people were killed and 468 others injured in these attacks.
Mohammad Abu Sayeed, the coordinator of Makam, stated, "While the police made some arrests following the sensational attack on Nural Pagla’s shrine in Rajbari, we have seen no progress in the remaining 10 cases." Regarding the lack of legal action in many other incidents, he added, "In most cases, the residents of the shrines were beaten and evicted. Currently, they are not in a position to return and file lawsuits." The report further notes that most attacks were carried out by organized mobs under the banner of "Tauhidi Janata," with allegations of involvement by political activists.
The Makam report identified specific allegations against activists of Islami Andolan Bangladesh in 13 incidents. Additionally, members of Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami were allegedly involved in four attacks, while Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) activists were linked to another four.
In terms of casualties, the Dhaka Division suffered the most, with two deaths and over 180 injuries. District-wise,
Comilla recorded the highest number of attacks (17), followed by Narsingdi (10) and Dhaka (9).
Ahmed Ibrahim, an advisor to the Bangladesh Legal Aid and Services Trust (BLAST), criticized the inaction of law enforcement agencies despite the availability of video evidence on social media. He noted, "At least 44 targeted shrines remain abandoned, and their annual Urs (Commemorative Rites) have been suspended."
The research identifies religious intolerance as the primary driver, accounting for 61% of the total incidents.
In at least six instances, demolitions were carried out using bulldozers and heavy machinery to level the structures. Furthermore, in 10 cases, loudspeakers were used to mobilize the mobs.
The report concludes by criticizing the interim government for failing to take effective measures or announce compensation for the damaged shrines. It warns that a "culture of impunity" has emerged regarding these incidents.
Museums, Libraries, Art and Cultural Centers Under Attack
In the context of political transitions or amidst armed conflicts, museums, libraries, art installations, and cultural centers are often targets of attacks, looting, or arson. These institutions are not merely state-owned assets; they are the custodians of a nation's history, storehouse of knowledge, artistic heritage, and collective cultural memory. Consequently, the destruction of these resources is not just a cultural loss for a country, but rather an irreparable loss to the treasury of knowledge of human civilization.
International law has identified such actions as serious crimes. Under the 1954 Hague Convention for the Protection of Cultural Property in the Event of Armed Conflict, museums, libraries, and other cultural institutions were brought under protection during armed conflicts. Subsequently, Article 8(2)(b)(ix) of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court (1998) further strengthened this protection, where intentional attacks on cultural property were recognized as international war crimes.
In the practical application of these principles, several examples in history are particularly significant. During the 2003 invasion of Iraq, the Baghdad Museum and the National Library and Archives of Iraq were victims of looting and arson; approximately 15,000 ancient artifacts and priceless manuscripts and documents collected over centuries were lost. This destruction created a profound reaction in the international community and brought the roles of the United Nations and UNESCO in protecting cultural property into discussion with greater importance. Similarly, in an artillery attack on the National Library of Bosnia and Herzegovina (Sarajevo Vijećnica) in 1992, about two million historical documents and books were destroyed, which stands as a symbol of cultural genocide in post-war European history.
In view of these events, the question of protecting cultural assets under international humanitarian law is no longer just a moral appeal; it is now a legal and policy obligation. This is because destroying museums and libraries means destroying evidence of history, erasing the knowledge base of a society, and culturally isolating future generations.
On August 5, 2024, with the fall of the government in Bangladesh, museums, libraries, art installations, and cultural centers were extensively attacked. Given the extent and nature, these incidents can be considered planned and systematic attacks instead of instantaneous reactions.
Museum Attacks, Looting, and Arson
Destruction of the Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman Memorial Museum
After Sheikh Hasina, daughter of the architect of the Bangladeshi state Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, was ousted from power and left the country, attacks, vandalism, and arson began at the Bangabandhu Memorial Museum at Dhanmondi 32 from 4:00 PM on August 5, 2024. At that time, three other houses adjacent to the memorial museum and the Santur Restaurant were also set on fire. All four of these houses were being used as the Bangabandhu Memorial Museum, the office of the "Father of the Nation Bangabandhu Memorial Trust," and for Awami League activities. As a result of the arson, the museum was turned into ruins. Many rare relics of the Liberation War and mementos of the brutal killings of August 15, 1975, were vandalized and burned.
Six months after the arson, on February 5 and 6, 2025, the fire-damaged museum was razed to the ground with bulldozers over two days. Only a few broken walls remained visible.
December 18, 2025. Following the official broadcast of the death of Sharif Osman Hadi, the convener of Inqilab Mancha, who had been shot by unidentified assailants six days prior, this memorial museum was attacked again. Sharif Osman Hadi had also participated in the previous destruction. This time, his followers launched an attack at approximately 1:30 AM on the night of December 18. Fire was set once again. The already devastated walls were broken further with crowbars and hammers.
Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman started living in this house with his family from October 1961. Since then, various currents of history have flowed over this house. The blueprints of the 1962 anti-Ayub movement led through various movements to the Six-Point movement of 1966. Then the turn of the Mass Uprising of 1969 and the elections of 1970. Bangabandhu used to give his instructions and conduct public relations from this house Number 32. After the historic speech of March 7, 1971, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman declared independence from this house on the night of March 25. In the post-independence period, he performed his duties as the head of state and head of government while residing in this house. On August 15, 1975, he was killed in this house along with most of his family members.
When Bangabandhu’s eldest daughter Sheikh Hasina returned to the country in 1981, the house was handed over to her. She handed over the house to the Bangabandhu Memorial Trust to convert it into a museum. It was named the "Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman Memorial Museum." Another six-story building was also constructed behind the original house for the museum. The museum was inaugurated in 2011.
Vandalism and Looting of the Museum of Independence
The Museum of Independence, established at Suhrawardy Udyan in Dhaka, is the first and only underground museum in Bangladesh. It was opened to the public on March 25, 2015, on the 44th Independence Day of Bangladesh. This museum contained over three hundred historical photographs displayed on 144 glass panels. There were terracotta works and newspaper clippings chronicling the events of the war. Additionally, the museum housed copies of news reports published in various foreign newspapers in favor of the Liberation War and various posters created for international campaigning for the cause. Beyond these, there were images of several important archaeological sites and installations of Bangladesh. A replica of the table where the commander of the Pakistan Army's Eastern Zone, Lieutenant General Amir Abdullah Khan Niazi, signed the instrument of surrender on December 16, 1971, was kept in the museum. There were several artifacts, including parts of cannons used by freedom fighters. It also contained a sculpture of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman along with other relics.
On the afternoon of August 5, 2024, an attack occurred at this significant museum. Vital historical mementos were smashed to pieces, and many items were looted. As a result, the entire museum was turned into a pile of ruins.
Vandalism and Looting of Barguna Liberation War Museum
The Barguna Liberation War Museum was established through the initiative of local journalists, cultural activists, and organizations, along with government cooperation. In addition to the Liberation War, the museum preserved photographs of various local archaeological sites, materials, diverse books, and both ancient and contemporary documents. As archaeological artifacts, the museum housed bricks and photographs from the Betagi Shahi Mosque and the historical Majidbaria Mosque, relics from the historical temple built by Parbati Ranjan Mukhopadhyay in Betagi Kaunia, and old radios and televisions. Furthermore, the bones of a 48-foot-long whale found in Jayalbhanga of Taltali Upazila in 1990, along with thousands of metal and paper currencies from different countries, were preserved there.
After the fall of the Awami League government on August 5, 2024, an attack took place at this museum. The attackers used sticks to smash every glass-enclosed table and the preserved materials inside the rooms. Many items were looted. A significant number of books and documents were piled up outside, torn into pieces, and thrown away.
Sunamganj Heritage Museum Attacked
Around 4:00 PM on August 5, 2024, the "Heritage Museum," the only museum in the district located on DS Road in Sunamganj town, was attacked. The front portion of the museum was demolished. Additionally, the wooden frames and various pieces of furniture inside were vandalized. Several artifacts housed within wooden frames were also damaged. This museum contained various significant relics of a century of art and culture.
This specialized museum was officially inaugurated on January 30, 2016, in a British-era wooden bungalow built in the Assam pattern. It featured organized exhibits on every major event, starting from the Language Movement of 1952 to the Great Liberation War of 1971. There was extensive information on Bangladeshi politics, the four national leaders, the seven Bir Sreshthos, and the history of the lives and struggles of the language martyrs. The culture section housed photographs of the district's mystic bards (marfati/mystic saints), manuscripts of their songs, and their clothing and accessories. Furthermore, the nature and environment section contained several photographs of the scenic beauty of Sunamganj and old utensils used by the local people. The life and livelihood section preserved various traditional tools used for fishing in the haors (wetlands) and for agricultural work. These items are now disappearing from the haor regions. Here, 36 species of freshwater fish from the haors were specially preserved in jars of various sizes.
South Asia's Largest Boat Museum Demolished
On December 31, 2020, South Asia's largest boat museum was established in the southern Bengal town of Barguna. At that time, it was named the "Bangabandhu Boat Museum." Although the museum was built in the name of Bangabandhu, it housed replicas of various types of boats representing the thousand-year-old tradition of rural Bengal, scattered across different parts of the country. The main building of the museum was constructed in the shape of a massive boat, 165 feet long and 30 feet wide, on 78 decimals of land adjacent to the Barguna District Administration building. The museum featured 100 types of extinct and traditional boat replicas from various regions of the country. In riverine Bangladesh, boats have been used as one of the primary modes of transport since ancient times. This boat museum was built to introduce the identity and thousand- year-old heritage of boats to the new generation. Along with the museum, plans were in place to build a boat research center, a modern library, a Liberation War corner, children's amusement rides, a theater, and a small cafe.
On August 5, 2024, the boat museum was first attacked and set on fire. Subsequently, on February 1, 2025, BNP leaders and activists employed laborers to completely demolish the museum.
Lone genocide museum closed
The country's only Genocide Museum is located on South Central Road in Khulna city. On August 4, 2024, during the anti-government protests, the museum's main gate, CCTV cameras, and some glass panels were vandalized. This left the museum unprotected. For security reasons, the main gate was sealed off using tin sheets and bamboo. Despite the change in government, the museum has not reopened. The Public Works Department was contacted several times to repair the gate, but no response was received. The museum and archive were supposed to receive a grant from the Ministry of Cultural Affairs for operations, but those funds have not been sanctioned. Consequently, due to financial crisis, they are unable to repair the gate themselves. The lack of funds is disrupting the activities of the museum and archive, and eight officers and employees have been laid off.
Attack on the Chittagong Police Liberation War Museum
On August 2, 2024, during the anti-government movement, an attack was carried out on the Chittagong Police Liberation War Museum.
Attempted Looting of the Varendra Research Museum in Rajshahi
On the night of August 6, 2024, an attempt was made to loot the Varendra Research Museum in Rajshahi, a site rich in archaeological artifacts. However, the museum was preserved due to the vigilant security maintained by the local citizens.
Fire at the Liberation War Museum in Dhaka
On March 10, 2025, a fire broke out in the generator room of the Liberation War Museum located in Agargaon, the capital. Due to the efforts of two Fire Service units, the fire was seized from spreading. The Fire Service authorities were unable to immediately determine the cause of the fire. However, many individuals suspect this incident to be an act of sabotage.
Attacks, Looting, and Arson at Libraries
Arson at Bir Chandra Library in Cumilla, 200- Year-Old Books and Manuscripts Looted
Following the fall of Sheikh Hasina on August 5, a group of individuals from a victory procession launched an attack on the nearly 150-year-old Bir Chandra Public Library and City Auditorium in Cumilla. The group engaged in vandalism and arson before looting the premises. This public library and auditorium were established in 1885 on land donated by the King of Tripura, Bir Chandra Manikya Bahadur, in the city's Kandirpar area. It is widely known to everyone as the "Town Hall." Over 139 years, the library had built a collection of approximately 25,000 books, including many rare volumes and ancient manuscripts. In addition to vandalizing the library located on the northern part of the Town Hall's first floor, the perpetrators set fire to shelves containing thousands of 200-year-old books.
Attack on Gaibandha Library during Victory Procession, 6,000 Books Looted
Following the fall of Sheikh Hasina, a group of attackers from a victory procession launched an assault on the century-old public library in Gaibandha city, engaging in vandalism and looting. During the incident, rare books, furniture, televisions, computers, and various other items were looted. Established on December 28, 1907, the library had built a collection of approximately 20,000 books over its 117-year history. On this day, nearly 6,000 books were looted from the collection.
Vandalism and Burning of Books at "Belgachi Library and Readers' Club" in Rajshahi
Under the slogan "Let us devote ourselves to the welfare of the country and nation through proper education," the "Belgachi Library and Readers' Club" in Mohanpur Upazila,
Rajshahi, began its operations on February 21, 2014. Located 17 kilometers north of Rajshahi city, 8 kilometers south of Mohanpur Upazila headquarters, and situated in the remote village of Belgachi within the Mougachi Union of Mohanpur Upazila, this library was established by a local student, Abul Bashar. At the time, he was a first-year English Literature student at Rajshahi College.
Currently, the library has a total of 133 members. Apart from filling out a form for 10 Taka to become a member, readers do not have to pay any other fees. It remained open daily from 10:00 AM to 10:00 PM. The library provided two daily newspapers and housed 3,100 books, eight bookshelves, a round table, a computer, and two fans. The library had become an ideal place for the villagers, where people of various professions came every day to read books and newspapers.
However, after August 5, the library is no longer in its former state. On that day, miscreants vandalized the library and burned most of the books. The land for this library was donated by a farmer, Abdus Salam (60), who is also the president of the institution. He stated, "My house was also attacked, but I felt more pain from the attack on the library."
Looting, Vandalism, and Arson at "Liberation War Memorial Library" in Feni
Bilonia is located 27 kilometers from the district town of Feni. The "Bhatial Liberation War Memorial Library" was established on December 15, 2018, with the aim of promoting library-based education, science, history, heritage, literature, and cultural practices. This library was not limited to just reading books and newspapers; it also extended its reach through various social activities in the area. Following the resignation and departure of Sheikh Hasina on August 5, a group of protesters attacked the library. After looting more than 2,500 diverse books, along with wardrobes, chairs, tables, and shelves, they set the library on fire. Two copies of the Holy Quran and 300 religious and Islamic books were not spared from the flames. Additionally, a site named "Bilonia Liberation War Memorial Corner," dedicated to this border area's role in 1971, was demolished and burned to the ashes. Numerous rare photographs of the National Poet, the World Poet, and famous local and international authors and literati displayed in the library room were smashed to pieces.
Library Attacked in Araihazar, Narayanganj
On the night of August 5, 2024, the "Alor Pathajatri" library, the only government-registered private library in Araihazar Upazila, fell victim to an attack by miscreants. The perpetrators destroyed computers, laptops, printers, thousands of books, and other valuable furniture belonging to the library.
Hasnat Bhuiyan, the General Secretary of the Alor Pathajatri Library, stated that the library had been built using books supplied by the National Book Center. It now lies in ruins. They are currently trying to recover and rebuild with renewed spirit.
"Village Care Library" in Nilphamari Burned
On the evening of August 5, 2024, the "Village Care Library" was vandalized and its books were set on fire.
The "Village Care Library" was established in 2011 on a plot of land near Bargacha Bazar in Bargacha village, located within the Sonaray Union of Domar Upazila in Nilphamari district. On February 21 of that year, the library's activities were launched and opened to the public in honor of all the martyrs of the 1952 Language Movement. The initiative to establish the library was taken by several young university and college students of that time. The library was founded with the intention of spreading the habit of reading in a remote village like Bargacha. It had become a significant study center for local school and college students and served as a suitable venue for cultural exchange.
Between 3,500 and 4,000 books, collected through thirteen years of hard work, were destroyed in the fire.
Hundreds of Books Looted from Tangail Library Following Facebook Announcement
More than five hundred books were looted from the "Abhayaranya" library in Dhanbari Upazila, Tangail, and the facility was subsequently closed. Following a public announcement on the social media platform Facebook, the looting took place at the Abhayaranya library in the Banshhati area around 8:00 PM on April 24, 2025.
The president and secretary of the library, along with several others, alleged that Golam Rabbani, a leader of the
Dhanbari Upazila branch of Islami Khelafat Majlish, had posted a status on Facebook three days prior stating that the Dhanbari Abhayaranya library, which he labeled an "atheist factory," would be evicted. He sought the cooperation of everyone for this task.
In this context, a group of youths entered the library last Thursday evening and began shouting that the library was a "den of atheists." They claimed that books by atheists were being taught there, turning hundreds of youths into atheists with banned books and corrupting society. Consequently, they declared the library would be demolished and burned. After intimidating and forcing the readers out, they packed more than five hundred books by established authors, including Rabindranath Tagore and Humayun Ahmed, into sacks taken from the cupboards.
It is reported that during the incident, the library’s secretary, Durjoy Ghosh, appealed to the group, stating that there were no government-banned books or books promoting atheism in the library. He requested that they inform the local administration before looting the books. However, the group continued to intimidate him and threatened to burn the books. When a detective branch officer from the Dhanbari Police Station arrived and questioned them, the group changed their decision. They then left the books, packed in sacks, at the office of the Upazila Nirbahi Officer (UNO). To seek redress, library secretary Durjoy Chandra Ghosh filed a written complaint with the Dhanbari Police Station this Saturday.
Meanwhile, Golam Rabbani told local journalists that those who run the library are all atheists. Therefore, he argued, any library carrying atheist content must be closed. He stated that the books were packed and submitted to the UNO office for this reason.
Dhanbari Upazila Nirbahi Officer Shahin Mahmud stated that he visited the library immediately after the incident. He mentioned that he does not know if the sacked books are banned and has not yet examined them. Both parties have been summoned to his office on Sunday, where it will be verified whether any prohibited books are present. When asked if the act of storming a library and seizing books was legal, he stated that the administration is proceeding cautiously to avoid further tension or the creation of a mob.
Abdus Sattar Khan, the leader of the Village Library Movement, issued a statement regarding the incident. He condemned the act and demanded a resolution.
The Officer-in-Charge (OC) of Dhanbari Police Station, SM Shahidullah, stated that this is not a major incident. He confirmed that the library authorities have submitted a written complaint and that the matter would be settled on Sunday.
Books Burned at Rabindra University Central Library
In Shahjadpur, Sirajganj, some students of Rabindra University, an institution established in the name of Kabiguru Rabindranath Tagore, removed books from the central library and set them on fire. On the afternoon of
April 27, 2025, a group of students identifying themselves as general students entered the library. They alleged that the library contained books featuring writings related to Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and the Awami League, and subsequently removed over a hundred books and documents. These materials were later set on fire on the road in front of the library.
When local media personnel approached the scene, the students left the area. Abdul Majid, who was in charge of the library at the time, requested journalists not to enter the premises and stated that no one from the relevant department would provide a statement.
However, the Pro-Vice Chancellor of the university, Dr. Sumon Kanti Baruah, stated that there were some books from the era of the Awami League government to which the students had raised objections. He remarked that, driven by emotion, they had burned a number of those books.
Library for Underprivileged Children Closed in Rangpur
In the Annadanagar Sharolar Beel Ashrayan project of Pirgachha Upazila, Rangpur, a library was being developed to serve as an open space for education and cultural practice for the children and adolescents of 450 landless and underprivileged families. An initiative had also been taken to construct a school. However, following the events of August 5, this initiative was obstructed due to the new political situation.
The initiator, poet and social worker Mir Rabi, stated that his initiative was targeted because of his previous stance against certain vested interests. He alleged that he was labeled a "collaborator of fascism" and that a mob was mobilized to create obstacles to the construction work. Furthermore, he claimed that he has been receiving threats through social media.
Books Burned at Mohammadpur Central College Library
On August 13, 2025, under the leadership of the college unit Chhatra Dal convener Md. Tuhin and member secretary Md. Jewel Nur, Chhatra Dal activists burned books related to Sheikh Hasina and Sheikh Mujibur Rahman held in the Mohammadpur Central College library. Eyewitnesses reported that the burned books included not only those related to the Awami League but also many volumes on the history of the Liberation War, general knowledge, and various other subjects. A video of the incident circulated on social media, showing several activists burning books under Tuhin's leadership. In the video, the Chhatra Dal leader is heard saying, "The books of Hasina, because of whom I was shot and jailed, will not remain." During the incident, two female teachers were seen protesting against the leader's aggressive behavior and finger-pointing in front of the college principal. The video later shows an altercation between them and the Chhatra Dal leader.
It was reported that when Chhatra Dal activists brought the books from the library to the college field and set them on fire, the principal arrived at the scene and attempted to reason with them. The faculty stated that the collection contained not only Awami League-related books but also other important volumes. They requested that those be separated first, so the college could later determine, according to its records, which books should be removed.
However, the burning of the books could not be stopped.
Over Four Hundred Books Related to Sheikh Mujib and Awami League Burned in Barguna
On August 18, 2025, over four hundred books categorized as "related to the Awami League," including "The Unfinished Memoirs" by Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, were removed from the library of Barguna Government Polytechnic Institute and burned. The incident took place at approximately 12:30 PM on the institute's campus. Present during the event were a group of students, including leaders and activists from the college units of Chhatra Dal and Chhatra Shibir.
Abdullah, a student of the Computer Department and president of the Polytechnic Institute unit of Chhatra Shibir, stated that the library contained several books on Sheikh Mujib. He argued that these books should not have remained there after August 5. According to him, students had previously inquired with the faculty whether the books were still present, and although they were told the books had been removed, they were later discovered inside the library.
Shihab Hossain, another student and the General Secretary of the Polytechnic Institute unit of Chhatra Dal, noted that over four hundred books, including various storybooks about Sheikh Mujib, were pulled out. He stated that members of the college Chhatra Dal, Chhatra Shibir, former leaders of the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement, and general students collaborated to locate the books.
Regarding the incident, Anil Chandra Kartunia, the acting principal of the Barguna Polytechnic Institute, mentioned that the books had been purchased during the tenure of the previous government. He noted that he had joined the institute only about a month and a half ago. His predecessor had informed him that no such books were kept in plain sight. However, due to ongoing examinations, he had not been able to conduct a full inventory of the library's contents. He confirmed that the students entered the library today, gathered the books, and burned them.
Library Set on Fire in Ghoraghat, Dinajpur
On September 23, 2025, miscreants deliberately set fire to a library named "Jamilapur Gyan Bikash Pathagar" in Ward No. 1 of Ghoraghat Municipality, Dinajpur. Kerosene bottles were splashed inside to ensure the fire spread rapidly, resulting in the destruction of a section of the library. Locals and library officials view this as a premeditated plot.
Shakil Ahmed, the General Secretary of the library, stated, "We were at the library until 3:00 AM. Shortly after returning home, I learned through others that the library was on fire. We later discovered that the window had been opened and kerosene was splashed from a bottle to start the fire. This was not an accident; it was planned."
The Officer-in-Charge (OC) of Ghoraghat Police Station, Nazmul Haq, said, "Upon receiving the news of the fire, we visited the scene in the afternoon. We have initiated a preliminary investigation. We hope to uncover the actual facts very soon."
Library Vandalized Over Allegations of Being a Gathering Place for "Awami League Collaborators"
A library in the Rajuk Uttara Apartment Project residential area of the capital was vandalized following allegations that "collaborators of the Awami League" used the space as a hangout. There are further allegations that books, chairs, tables, and other furniture were looted during the incident, which occurred on the night of September 25, 2025. The library was being operated by a cricket club named "United Brothers."
Abdullah Fahad, the president of the United Brothers Club, filed a written complaint with the Turag Police Station regarding the vandalism. The complaint states that the open library and the temporary office of the United Club were ransacked. In addition to the vandalism, the report mentions the looting of approximately 250,000 Taka worth of goods, including library books, 40 chairs, five tables, four CCTV cameras, one hard drive, a router, 30 floodlights from the club grounds, and cricket equipment.
Furthermore, the damage to the office and library is estimated at approximately 300,000 Taka.
Regarding the matter, Abdullah Fahad Al Faisal told the media, "Our open library was vandalized due to a conflict between two parties. The attack was carried out by labeling the library as a place where Awami League collaborators gather."
Attacks and Vandalism of Art Installations and Cultural Centers
Destruction of Sculptures, Murals, and Monuments
Following the fall of the Sheikh Hasina government on August 5, approximately 1,500 sculptures, relief sculptures, murals, and monuments across the country, including the capital, were vandalized, set on fire, or uprooted. More than 22 government Shilpakala Academies and Shishu Academies in various districts and upazilas were attacked. Incidents of vandalism also occurred at cultural centers, cinema halls, cineplexes, and zoos.
Between August 5 and August 14, information was gathered regarding the vandalism, arson, and uprooting of 1,494 sculptures, relief sculptures (ceramic or terracotta figures carved into walls), murals, and monuments across 59 districts. In 15 locations within the Dhaka metropolitan area, more than 122 sculptures, murals, and relief sculptures were vandalized, set on fire, or uprooted. Seven full-body sculptures of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman were destroyed. A total of 1,492 sculptures, relief sculptures, murals, and monuments were broken, uprooted, or burned, including 273 in Dhaka Division, 204 in Chattogram, 166 in Rajshahi, 479 in Khulna, 100 in Barishal, 129 in Rangpur, 49 in Sylhet, and 92 in Mymensingh Division.
During the arson at the Bangabandhu Memorial Museum, two murals of Bangabandhu at the Dhanmondi 32 residence were damaged. The "Mrityunjay" sculpture of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman at Bijoy Sarani was destroyed.
At the end of Fuller Road at Dhaka University, the "Swadhinata Sangram" art installation by freedom fighter and artist Shamim Sikder contained over a hundred large and small individual sculptures. Only five remains intact; the rest were uprooted. The sculpture named "Duranto," depicting a running adolescent, located at the Shishu Academy premises, was burned. The sculpture of Themis, installed in front of the extended building of the High Court Division of the Supreme Court, was uprooted.
Although the "Mujibnagar Memorial Complex" in Meherpur is considered a single installation, it contained over five hundred individual sculptures. At least 303 large and small sculptures within the complex were vandalized.
In Barishal, a Pakistan Army torture camp was located along the banks of the Kirtankhola River. They killed numerous people here during the Liberation War. The "Killing Field and Torture Cell Preservation Project" spans one and a half acres from the banks of the Sagardi Canal, including the torture cell rooms of the WAPDA colony. Inside the two torture cells of the killing field complex, a sound system used to play the recorded screams of men and women to recreate the atmosphere of torture. Liberation War songs played softly throughout the complex. On every national day, the administration and various organizations would visit the killing field to pay respects to the freedom fighters. However, on the afternoon of August 5, 2024, a group of people attacked and vandalized the site. The sound system, several lights, and various items were looted. Since then, this site bearing the horrific memories of the Liberation War has remained abandoned.
In Mymensingh, the sculpture of Venus at Shashi Lodge was broken and its head was stolen. In the same city, the bust of Shilpacharya Zainul Abedin in front of the Zainul Gallery was also damaged. In Khulna, two sculptures of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman were completely demolished. In Madaripur district town, the "Palashi to Dhanmondi" Liberation War memorial center, which was under construction, was entirely destroyed. Sculptures were vandalized at three locations in Gazipur. The relief sculptures of the seven Bir Shreshthas were damaged. In Narsingdi, the sculpture known as "Tarjoni" was set on fire.
The mural on the "Meetu Chowdhury Road" plaque at the Nachole bus stand in Nachole Upazila, Chapainawabganj, was vandalized. The Sidhu-Kanu sculpture at the Tebhaga Chattar in Dinajpur, built in memory of the Santal rebellion against the British, was broken. In the Binnati Mor area of Kishoreganj Sadar Upazila, murals of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the four national leaders: Syed Nazrul Islam, Tajuddin Ahmad, M. Mansur Ali, and AHM Qamaruzzaman- and the seven Bir Shreshthas were demolished using excavators.
Arson at the Indira Gandhi Cultural Center
On the night of August 5, the "Indira Gandhi Cultural Center" (IGCC) in Dhanmandi, Dhaka, was set on fire. While the building was still burning, rioters were seen looting items from the premises.
Inaugurated in 2010, this cultural center was named after the late Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi, who played a significant role in the Bangladesh Liberation War. The initiative was taken to further strengthen the cultural ties between India and Bangladesh. The center hosted seminars and workshops, and Indian instructors taught yoga there. It was also a hub for practicing dance and music, specifically offering training in Kathak and Manipuri dance. The facility housed a library with approximately 21,000 books and was managed by the Indian Council for Cultural Relations (ICCR).
On the night of December 18, 2025, the Indira Gandhi Cultural Center was attacked once again, with reports of both vandalism and arson.
Musician's House Set on Fire, 300 Instruments Ash
Musician Rahul Ananda was active alongside others during the quota reform movement and the subsequent one-point movement for the government's resignation; however, he was not spared from the violence on August 5. When the Bangabandhu Museum at Dhanmondi 32 was attacked, Rahul Ananda's house next door was also set on fire. As a result, over three hundred musical instruments he had handcrafted were burned to ash. The household belongings were also looted.
Rahul Ananda, the lead vocalist of the band "Joler Gaan," said, "Some youths came and told us to leave the house. I told them, 'I sing for you. I was a supporter of this movement. Why are you attacking my house?' They replied, 'Just get out, or there will be danger.' Later, we left the premises." Immediately after, the house was set on fire and extensively looted. Looters were seen taking away items ranging from quilts and mattresses to air conditioning units.
Rahul said, "The instruments I made with my own hands were my most precious assets. I could not save them even after pleading. Those who set the fire recognized me. I sing for the people. Yet, they burned all my instruments."
National Shishu(Children's) Academy Destroyed
The National Shishu Academy is located near Doel Chattar in the capital. This government institution, which has worked for years toward the cultural development of children, was attacked shortly after noon on August 5. A group of people from a victory procession forced their way into the academy. The administrative building was the first to be targeted and set on fire. Except for one room in the Director General's office on the ground floor, the entire building was reduced to ash. All of the institution's vehicles were also burned. On the first floor of the administrative building was the library; there, all the windows were smashed, and the computers were looted.
All three floors of the museum building, located next to the administrative building, were demolished. On the second floor, 72 showcases had chronologically presented the history of Bangladesh from ancient times through the Liberation War to the emergence of the nation. Every showcase, along with all historical artworks, was destroyed. The Sheikh Russel Art Gallery on the ground floor was not spared either. On the ground floor of the auditorium building across the way was the children's magazine and publication department. It is now nothing but a heap of ash; nothing remains. Torn fragments of handwritten manuscripts can be seen protruding from charred cabinets. This department housed everything from the academy’s inaugural magazines to unpublished manuscripts. There were more than 1,500 CDs containing backup copies of books, as well as original manuscripts handwritten by many eminent authors. None of these exist anymore.
In the training hall on the first floor of this building, musical instruments were kept. Everything, from newly purchased sitars and violins to harmoniums, has been looted.
Attacks, Arson, and Looting at Shilpakala Academies in 22 Districts
Following the violence surrounding the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement and the departure of Sheikh Hasina from the country, government Shilpakala Academies in at least 22 districts and upazilas across the country were attacked, vandalized, looted, and set on fire. Sabina, the Public Relations Officer of the central Shilpakala Academy in Dhaka, stated that these attacks resulted in the destruction of all types of musical instruments and auditoriums. In addition to the looting of office cameras, projectors, and computers, the official documents of the Shilpakala Academy were burned.
However, the central Shilpakala Academy premises in Dhaka remained secure due to the presence of an army camp.
Among the attacked academies are the Jhenaidah District Shilpakala Academy, Chandpur District Shilpakala Academy, Satkhira Shilpakala Academy, Barishal District Shilpakala Academy, and Mymensingh District Shilpakala Academy. The Melandah Upazila Shilpakala Academy in Jamalpur was also attacked and vandalized. Several rounds of attacks and vandalism occurred at the Shibchar Upazila Shilpakala Academy in Madaripur.
In addition, attacks took place in Barguna, Sunamganj, Rangpur, Khulna, Manikganj, Kurigram, Lakshmipur, Sherpur, Naogaon, and Tangail. An attack and theft occurred at the Ethnic Minority Complex in Patnitala, Naogaon.
On August 4, an incident of attack, arson, and looting took place at the Sirajganj District Shilpakala Academy.
Ancestral Home of Renowned Filmmaker Ritwik Ghatak Demolished
The ancestral home of the subcontinent's legendary filmmaker Ritwik Ghatak is located in the Miapara area of Ghoramara mohalla in Rajshahi city. Ritwik Ghatak spent the early years of his life in this paternal home. While living here, he studied at Rajshahi Collegiate School and Rajshahi College. He engaged in theatrical practices focused on the immortal novelist Sarat Chandra Chattopadhyay at the fields of Rajshahi College and the Miapara Public Library. During that time, Ritwik edited a literary magazine named "Abhidhara." The literary and theatrical movements in Rajshahi gained momentum centered around him. The renowned novelist Mahasweta Devi, who was Ritwik Ghatak’s niece, also lived in this house.
In 1989, the Ershad government leased the entire 34 decimal plot of land to the Rajshahi Homeopathic Medical College and Hospital. The college is located just west of the house. In 2019, allegations surfaced against the college authorities for demolishing a portion of the house to build a bicycle garage. Protests erupted across Rajshahi and the entire country at that time. Subsequently, in 2020, the Rajshahi District Administration took an initiative to preserve the house.
On the afternoon of August 14, film activists in Rajshahi visited the site and discovered that no trace of the house remained. The entire area was covered in heaps of old bricks. On August 5, the day of the government's fall, protesters broke down one wall of the house. Taking advantage of the ensuing anarchy, the college authorities leveled the entire structure.
Chhayanaut Left in Ruins Following Attacks, Vandalism, and Arson
On December 18, 2025, after the official announcement of the death of Sharif Osman Hadi, the convener of the Inqilab Manch, a group of extremists launched an attack on Chhayanaut, the largest informal music education institution in the subcontinent. Around 1:30 to 1:40 AM, several attackers gathered wood and set fire to the parking lot area. They left shortly after, but within 10 minutes, over a hundred individuals armed with sticks broke through the parking lot and main entrance to enter the building.
The attackers first disabled the CCTV cameras before proceeding with widespread vandalism and arson. They exited the premises around 2:30 AM. Every floor of the six- story building, which serves as a sanctuary for cultural and musical heritage, saw almost every room and auditorium vandalized or set on fire. Musical instruments like harmoniums, tablas, sitars, and tanpuras were specific targets. According to eyewitnesses, the attackers shouted slogans such as "Collaborators of India," "Fake," "Nara-e- Takbeer," "Inqilab Zindabad," and "Break it." While destroying a portrait of the late Sanjida Khatun, they reportedly labeled her an "atheist."
A statement from the Chhayanaut authorities revealed that servers, various musical instruments, and furniture were burned. Additionally, seven laptops, several mobile phones, and some hard drives were looted. Reporters visiting the site the following day observed broken harmoniums piled on a desk on the first floor, along with overturned archways, charred ceremonial seats, and smashed cabinets. The second-floor auditorium and office were ransacked, and the canteen was trashed. The office of the General Secretary and the Nalanda Vidyalaya office were also destroyed. Framed portraits of Rabindranath Tagore and Kazi Nazrul Islam on the walls were targeted, with Tagore’s image torn apart.
The third through fifth floors, which primarily house classrooms, were also devastated. On the third floor, the Ramesh Chandra Datta Memorial Hall and even the women's washrooms were vandalized. On the fourth floor, the Abdul Malek Chowdhury Memorial Room and the Shamsunnahar Ahmed Memorial Room, along with several classrooms, were trashed. In addition to the physical damage, instruments, documents, and furniture on these floors were set on fire. On the sixth floor, the library was vandalized, and several books were burned.
[Chhayanaut was established in 1961 out of the celebration of Rabindranath Tagore's birth centenary, defying the restrictions of the then Pakistani rulers. It gained national fame for its annual Bengali New Year (Pohela Boishakh)
celebrations at Ramna Batamul. That tradition was tragically targeted in 2001 by a horrific bomb blast that claimed 10 lives and injured many others. Despite such challenges, Chhayanaut has remained undeterred, continuing its cultural mission under the leadership of stalwarts like the late Waheedul Haq and Sanjida Khatun.]
Arson Attack on Udichi’s Central Office
On December 19, 2025, at approximately 7:40 PM, a deliberate arson attack was carried out on the central office of Udichi Shilpigosthi, a traditional cultural organization of Bangladesh, located on Topkhana Road. Although Udichi had been organizationally active in the July movement against Sheikh Hasina, the organization had been receiving threats from extremists in the period following August 5.
It is noteworthy that on December 8, 2005, a suicide bomb attack by the banned militant group Jama'atul Mujahideen Bangladesh (JMB) in front of the Udichi office in Netrokona city killed eight people, including Khaja Haider Hossain, the Joint Assistant Secretary of the Udichi Netrokona district unit, and Sudipta Pal Shely, the Organizing Secretary. More than fifty cultural activists were injured in that attack.
Data Driven Report
I. Art and Monuments
Sculptures, Murals, and Monuments Destroyed: 1,494.
Includes vandalized, burned, and uprooted installations.
Art Installation Complexes Targeted: 2.
Includes complexes containing over 500 individual pieces.
The Awami League is not only one of the oldest active political parties in Bangladesh but also in South Asia. The party was founded on June 23, 1949. In the then-feudal society, the Awami League expanded as a political organization for the middle and lower classes. The Awami League played a crucial role in the Language Movement, one of the key elements in the development of Bengali national identity. Subsequently, under the leadership of the Awami League, the autonomy movement based on the Six- Point Program was developed, creating an unparalleled foundation for the organization at the very grassroots of the then-East Pakistan. Under the leadership of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the party gained an absolute majority in the National Assembly of Pakistan and the Provincial Assembly of East Pakistan in 1970. However, instead of transferring power, the Pakistani ruling elite launched a total military operation against Bengalis on the night of March 25, 1971. In this circumstance, Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman declared independence, and immediately after, he was arrested and taken to Pakistan. In his absence, the elected members of parliament from the Awami League formed the Government of Bangladesh, nominating him as President, and conducted the Liberation War of Bangladesh.
Because of this historical relationship with the creation of the Bangladeshi state, the Awami League is not merely a political party but has become a significant component of Bangladeshi society. Throughout Bangladesh, especially among ordinary people, there are workers and supporters of the political party spanning several generations. Not all of them are active party title-holders. During the continuous 15-year rule of the Awami League under the leadership of Sheikh Hasina, not all of them were beneficiaries of the government either. However, for many, their identity as "Awami League" is like a multi-generational family tradition. Considering the movement organized in July 2024 as anti- government activity, the government primarily activated the law enforcement forces. Regarding it as a political activity, the Awami League did not prioritize political resistance by activating its workers. However, from the moment of the government's fall on August 5, Awami League leaders, activists, and supporters became victims of horrific persecution. This persecution is not merely retaliatory due to a change of power. While those involved with power were attacked, those who are followers of the Awami League simply out of ideological or family tradition have been attacked even more. As a result, instead of political revenge, this persecution is driven by political vendetta. In 1971, the primary targets of the Pakistan Army's genocide were also the leaders, activists, and supporters of the Awami League. The ongoing vendetta-driven persecution against the Awami League since August 5, 2024, is multidimensional and has a deep impact.
Killings and Torture
Following Sheikh Hasina’s departure from the country on the afternoon of August 5, numerous Awami League leaders and activists were attacked, and their homes were set on fire. Violence continued the following day, resulting in many fatalities. According to a report by Prothom Alo, August 12,⎘2024⎘, at least 60 members of the Awami League were beaten to death or killed by fire in the two days of August 5 and 6.
On the evening of August 5, an attack was carried out on the house of Zakir Hossain, President of Pratapnagar Union Awami League in Ashasuni Upazila, Satkhira. The attackers beat and killed six people, including Zakir and his brother Jahangir. In Chandpur, Selim Khan, Chairman of Lakshmipur Union Parishad, and his son Shanto Khan were beaten to death. Three people died when the house of former Barishal Mayor Sadiq Abdullah was set on fire; it was later revealed that two of them were Jubo League activists.
In Jhenaidah’s Stadium Para area, the house of Shahidul Islam Hiron, Chairman of Porahati UP, was set ablaze. Hiron and his driver, Akter Mia, were beaten and burned to death. Their bodies were later hung at the city's Payra Chattar by miscreants. Additionally, two youths named Rabbi and Monju were killed during an attack and arson at a Chhatra League leader's house in Kaliganj Upazila.
In Chuadanga’s Cinema Hall Para, miscreants set fire to the house of Arefin Alam, former convener of the District Jubo League. Fire service personnel later recovered at least four bodies from the site. In Khulna, Koyra Upazila Chairman and Upazila Awami League President GM Mohsin Reza, along with two others, were beaten to death.
The house of Suman Khan, Joint Secretary of Lalmonirhat District Awami League, in the Thana Road area (near the Central Shaheed Minar), was vandalized and set on fire. Six bodies were later recovered from the house. In Bauphal Upazila, Patuakhali, a Jubo League activist named Monirul Islam Shahin was hacked to death. In the Kalishuri Bazar area of the same upazila, miscreants gouged out the eyes of Jubo League worker Goutam Das.
Despite the nationwide frenzy of brutality on August 5 and 6, the killings did not stop. On the night of August 7, the house of Faruk Mollya, Vice President of Union Swechasebak League in the Molla Kandi area of Sakhipur Thana, Shariatpur, was attacked. Eight houses were set on fire, and Faruk Mollya was killed, while his younger brother Forhad Molla and wife Ayesha were wounded with sharp weapons.
That same night, in Bogura’s Dhunot Upazila, a Jubo League leader named Al-Amin was intercepted while riding a motorcycle and beaten to death on the paved road. On August 12, in Bogura, an Awami League worker named Babar Ali was abducted from his shop and had his throat slit. The victim's daughter, Bina, and local Awami League affiliates stated that people used to gather at Babar Ali’s shop, where even during the party's crisis; he would praise the Awami League government. This had enraged his opponents.
On August 15-the anniversary of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman’s death-activists from the BNP and the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement harassed and beat Awami League members and ordinary citizens who went to pay their respects at Dhanmondi 32. Women were also harassed. One individual was stripped and beaten. Momin Patwari, an Awami League leader who was severely beaten that day, succumbed to his injuries on August 30.
On August 16, Rashed Shikdar, a Chhatra League worker from Barthi Union in Gournadi, Barishal, was beaten to death by Union Chhatra Dal members for refusing to pay extortion money. On August 28, Abdul Mannan, a Sramik League leader from Kawkhali, Rangamati, was chased into Chara Bottol Bazar in Raozan Municipality, Chattogram, where he was hacked to death.
On September 7, Abdullah Al Masud, a former leader of Rajshahi University (RU) Chhatra League, was beaten to death. He was attacked in Binodpur Bazar near the university. Though he was handed over to the police in critical condition, he died around 12:30 AM after being taken to the hospital. Masud had previously lost the lower part of his right leg in a 2014 attack by Islami Chhatra Shibir. A video circulated showing Masud in police custody before his death, pleading that he had come to buy medicine and had left politics long ago. Salahuddin Ammar, a coordinator of the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement at RU, was seen at the police station when Masud was brought in.
On September 18, Tofazzal, a former Chhatra League leader suffering from mental instability due to family tragedies, was detained by students at Dhaka University’s Fazlul Huq Muslim Hall on suspicion of theft. He was beaten, then fed at the hall canteen, and subsequently beaten severely again. He was declared dead upon arrival at Dhaka Medical College Hospital at midnight.
On September 19, Shamim Molla, a former leader of Jahangirnagar University Chhatra League, was detained at the university's Joy Bangla Gate. A group of activists from the "Anti-Discrimination Student Movement" beat him before the proctorial team intervened. He was later handed over to Ashulia police in connection with a previous case but was declared dead at the hospital at 9:30 PM.
On September 22, Nur Alam, General Secretary of Ward 2 Awami League in Chandraganj Union, Lakshmipur, was beaten to death. His family alleged he was killed for political reasons under the leadership of BNP leader Khokon. On the same day, in Shajahanpur, Bogura, Swechasebak League worker Sagar Talukdar and his associate Md. Swapan were hacked to death.
On October 18, Firoz Khan, Organizational Secretary of Baraiyadhala Union Jubo League in Sitakunda, Chattogram, was dragged out of his sister’s house where he was hiding and was beaten and hacked to death.
On November 4, Sheikh Arifuzzaman Rupam, the nephew of former Awami League minister Begum Monnujan Sufian, was killed in a "mob beating" in Khulna.
On December 5, Wahed Zaman Amit, President of Kajaldighi Kaliaganj Union Chhatra League in Boda, Panchagarh, had been in hiding since August 5. Miscreants entered his home while his mother, Orina Begum, was performing her Esha prayers and killed her with sharp weapons to the head.
On December 17, two Chhatra League workers, Masud Rana (21) and Raihan Ali (14), were hacked to death during a Victory Day event at Mollikpur Bazar in Nachole, Chapainawabganj. Some reports suggested they were killed for chanting "Joy Bangla" at the event.
On December 28, Zia Uddin Palash, a former councilor and Awami League leader, was hacked to death in Abhaynagar, Jashore. His body was recovered from an abandoned room.
On January 14, 2025, Kaosar Lashkar, an Awami League worker in Chanpara village, Kotchandpur, Jhenaidah, was killed after his leg tendons were severed. Miscreants posing as police had called him out of his house at midnight.
On February 14, Al Mamun Mondal, a local Chhatra League leader and cricketer in Sadullapur, Gaibandha, was beaten to death. He had been inactive in politics for several years, focusing on cricket. On February 19, a Jubo League worker named Muhammad Hasan was abducted from his home and beaten to death by masked men in Raozan, Chattogram.
On March 16, the body of Ariful Islam, a local Awami League leader, was recovered from the Brahmaputra River in Roumari, Kurigram. He had been strangled to death.
On April 10, Muslim Uddin, a Jubo League leader in Sitakunda, Chattogram, was hacked to death.
On June 29, Abdur Rahim Khondakar, a two-time Union Parishad member and Awami League official, was hacked to death in his courtyard in Islampur, Jamalpur. His family stated that individuals identifying as law enforcement took him out of his house at midnight.
On July 16, leaders of the National Citizen Committee (NCP) faced protests from Awami League supporters and locals in Gopalganj while announcing plans to demolish the memorial of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. Indiscriminate firing by the army and police resulted in at least five deaths, including 17-year-olds Emon Talukdar and Ramzan Kazi. Viral videos showed army personnel stomping on the face of the shot Emon.
On August 29, Md. Saifullah Arif, Vice President of Bhola Sadar Upazila Chhatra League, was beaten to death in front of his home.
On September 3, the body of Bijon Kumar Dey, a local Awami League leader, was recovered in Ashasuni, Satkhira, with injury marks on his legs.
On November 29, Abdur Sabur Akhand, an Awami League official in Dinajpur, was found dead in a garden near his home. On November 30, Musa Mya, a former UP member and Awami League Vice President in Bancharampur, Brahmanbaria, had his throat slit.
On December 2, the body of Momin Khan Shakil, an Awami League worker who had been missing for three days, was recovered from the Turag River in Dhaka. On December 15, Jubo League leader Shahjahan Sheikh was hacked to death in public in Dakshinkhan, Dhaka. On December 27, the father and uncle of a former Chhatra League official were hacked to death in their home in Barlekha, Moulvibazar.
The widely discussed Fact-Finding Report by the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR), in point 222, states:
"OHCHR is not in a position to provide its own estimate of the extent of reprisal violence, in particular the killing of police officers and members of the Awami League. The Awami League provided OHCHR with a detailed list including names, dates, and causes of death, according to which 144 leaders, activists, and members of the Awami League and its affiliate organizations were killed in attacks between 1 July and 15 August. These included 23 up to 3 August, 35 on 4 August, 68 on 5 August, and a further 18 between 6 and 15 August. OHCHR was not in a position to independently verify these incidents."
Point 221 of the same report details allegations of sexual violence against female Awami League members:
"One instance of reprisal violence documented by OHCHR and based on victim testimony clearly involved sexual violence. In August, a woman was detained by two men who, based on their age and clothing, appeared distinct from the students. They recognized her as being part of the Chhatra League. The men insulted her with sexual comments, grabbed her clothing, slapped her multiple times on the face, and punched her in the chest. A few days later, a more severe attack was launched on the same woman in a similar manner. The attackers surrounded her, tore her clothes, touched her breasts and intimate parts, and eventually raped her. Subsequently, the victim was denied healthcare at the hospital due to her political affiliation. In other cases, female Awami League and Chhatra League supporters reported receiving threats of rape verbally and through social media. For the reasons noted above, OHCHR believes that there were many more instances of sexual violence than it has documented."
According to official data from the Bangladesh Awami League, 549 of their leaders and activists were killed between July 2024 and February 16, 2026. Of these, 68 died before August 5, and 49 died in police or prison custody. The list includes 24 people killed in the arson attack on Awami League leader Shahin Chaklader’s hotel in Jashore on August 5, and 182 deaths during the looting and arson at Gazi Tyres in Rupganj on August 25.
Deaths in Police and Prison Custody
On September 8, 2024, following a protest on August 10 where Awami League activists blocked the Dhaka-Khulna highway to protest Sheikh Hasina being "forced to leave the country," clashes occurred with the army. Subsequently, the army filed cases against over 3,000 Awami League members. Around 1:30 PM on September 3, police picked up Awami League worker Ilahi Sikdar from his home in Phalsi village, Kashiani. At 1:30 AM, police informed the family via phone that he had been hospitalized. The following day, he was sent to jail by the court. That night, the prison authorities called to say Ilahi was ill. At 3:00 AM, family members went to the Gopalganj 250 bed General Hospital and found his body. Dr. Jibitesh Biswas, the hospital superintendent, stated that Ilahi Sikdar had been brought to the hospital three times, but he was already dead upon the final arrival.
On September 10, law enforcement conducted a midnight raid on the house of Mosharraf Hossain alias Sweet, Chairman of Saghata Union Parishad and local Awami League President in Gaibandha. Upon entering, they beat the Chairman's driver, Riazul Islam, and a domestic worker, Shafiqul. They then took Chairman Mosharraf to the second floor and assaulted him. Later, police and their associates took Riazul and Shafiqul to Bogura Shaheed Ziaur Rahman Medical College Hospital, while Mosharraf, Sohrab Hossain, and Shahadat Hossain were taken to Gaibandha General Hospital. Sohrab Hossain and Shafiqul died while undergoing treatment.
On March 12, 2025, Emdadul Haque Bhutto, Organizational Secretary of Dakshinpara Union Awami League in Gabtali, Bogura, died after falling ill in Bogura jail. He had been arrested in February. Bhutto was the fifth Awami League leader to die in Bogura jail custody within a short period.
On April 9, Riazul Islam alias Raijul (74), Chairman of East Birgaon Union Parishad and an Awami League leader in Shantikunj, Sunamganj, fell ill in prison after his arrest and died at Sylhet MAG Osmani Medical College Hospital. His name was not in any initial case; he was arrested on March 30 as a suspect. His nephew, Abu Bakkar, expressed outrage, stating that Riazul was chronically ill and taking 22 different medications, all of which were shown to the police. He alleged that despite their ability to afford better treatment in Dhaka, their requests were ignored, leading to the death of an "innocent, sick man."
On September 29, former Industries Minister Nurul Majid Mahmud Humayun, a 75-year-old valiant Freedom Fighter who had been arrested a year prior, was declared dead at Dhaka Medical College Hospital (DMCH). His bail applications had been repeatedly rejected. A photograph of the deceased minister’s hand still handcuffed to the hospital bed went viral on social media, sparking widespread condemnation.
On November 18, Murad Hossain, President of Awami League’s Ward 12 in Mirpur and a former ward commissioner, died after being brought to DMCH from Kashimpur Jail in Gazipur. On November 26, Monowara Majlish, President of Ward 19 Mohila League in Dhaka North, died at DMCH. She had been suffering from long- term kidney complications at Kashimpur Women's Jail. Her family alleged they were only informed after she had been in the hospital for two days without proper care. Her husband, Majlis Mia, claimed that despite her condition, no adequate treatment was provided.
On December 21, Washikur, the Youth and Sports Secretary of Badda Thana Awami League and former Chhatra League President, died. Arrested in September and held in Kashimpur Jail 2, a police team arrived to take him into custody for interrogation after a remand was granted. Washikur lost consciousness at the prison gate during the handover at 4:15 PM and was declared dead at the hospital.
Allegations exist that Washikur, who was injured during his arrest, was denied medical treatment while in prison.
On January 11, 2026, Pralay Chaki, Cultural Secretary of Pabna District Awami League and a renowned musician, died while undergoing treatment at Rajshahi Medical College Hospital under prison supervision. He had been arrested on December 16 from his home in the Pathartola area. His son, Sani Chaki, alleged "negligence" and "lack of treatment" by prison authorities, stating that despite being a heart patient, his father was kept in a prison cell instead of the CCU, and the family was not informed of his deteriorating health.
On February 7, Ramesh Chandra Sen, a former Presidium Member of the Bangladesh Awami League, former Water Resources Minister, and five-time elected MP for Thakurgaon 1, died in custody. The 83-year-old was arrested on August 16, 2024, and faced three cases, including murder. Despite his age, his bail was repeatedly denied. He fell ill in the morning and was taken from the district jail to the hospital, where he was declared dead at 9:29 AM.
On February 15, Shamikul Islam Lipon, President of Palashbari Upazila Awami League and Vice Principal of Palashbari Mohila Degree College, died. He had been arrested in Dhaka on December 8, 2024, in a political case. He fell seriously ill around 1:00 AM and died while being transported to Rangpur Medical College Hospital.
The surge in deaths in police and prison custody during the interim government led by Dr. Yunus has raised alarms among human rights organizations. According to a report by Ain o Salish Kendra (ASK), 112 people died in prison custody in the 15 months following August 5. In the first 11 months of 2025 alone, this number reached 95, compared to 65 deaths in the entire 12 months of 2024. According to the Bangladesh Awami League's database, 49 of their party members have died in police and prison custody during this interim period. Torture, lack of medical care, negligence, and the denial of bail for the elderly and infirm are cited as the primary causes of these deaths.
Wholesale Murder Cases and the Harassment of "Case Business"
Following the political transition on August 5, 2024, the rule of law and human rights in Bangladesh entered a dark era. Mass "murder cases" and "case business" became primary tools for satisfying political vendettas. From top Awami League leaders to union level workers, supporters, and even ordinary citizens sympathetic to the party, many became victims of horrific legal terrorism. This persecution was not limited to sending individuals to prison but evolved into an organized "case business." A segment of unscrupulous lawyers, particularly those supported by the BNP and Jamaat, began drafting these false cases, turning them into an institutional form of extortion. Analyzing the reality at the field level reveals a festival of medieval plunder and the destruction of political workers' lives under the guise of the law.
The most incredible and documented example of this legal anarchy centered on Al Amin from Sylhet. On October 24, 2024, a murder case was filed in a Dhaka court against 130 people, including former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina. The case claimed that Al Amin was killed by police fire in Ashulia on August 5. However, three months later, Al Amin appeared in person at a police station to declare he was alive. Investigations revealed that, without his knowledge, he was portrayed as a "martyr" to extort millions of taka from hundreds of people. This single incident proves that neither the dead nor the living are spared in the quest to suppress political opponents. Similarly, when a murder case was filed in Adabor against cricketer Shakib Al Hasan, he was out of the country. Ridiculous allegations of him leading the killing in person were included in the First Information Report (FIR) despite his being thousands of miles away.
This trend of persecution was not restricted to top leaders; it spread to the grassroots. In an incident in Beani Bazar, Sylhet, Inarun Nesa, the mother of the deceased Tarek Ahmad, filed a murder case against 160 people but later informed the court via affidavit that she did not recognize the accused. She alleged that some people took her signature on blank paper under the guise of offering help to frame political opponents. This incident clearly highlights how lawyers affiliated with BNP-Jamaat used grieving families as shields to set up their case trade. While the victim's family hoped for justice, a group of people behind the scenes demanded large sums of money from the accused to drop their names from the cases.
The case of Jahur Ali from Sunamganj exposed the most shameless form of this case business. Jahur Ali, who was paralyzed after being injured during the August 5 movement and was undergoing treatment at the Center for the Rehabilitation of the Paralysed (CRP), went live on social media to complain that a local Jamaat affiliated journalist, Masum Helal, had started a million taka trade capitalizing on his injury. According to Jahur Ali, the journalist was extorting money from many people by threatening them with cases and was preparing to flee abroad. The injured Jahur Ali and his family knew nothing of this looting. This scenario is not unique to Sunamganj but is prevalent across the country. Wherever a protest or violence occurred, drafts of cases were kept ready naming hundreds of Awami League workers as unidentified accused. A medicine trader in Dinajpur, who had not visited Dhaka in years, suddenly found himself accused in a major murder case in Dhaka. Local land or business disputes often lay behind such actions; clearing the path of a political opponent by sending them to jail served as a primary motive. This case business acted not just as political suppression but as a license for business takeover and settling personal scores.
Md. Rustum Ali, a newspaper hawker in Dhaka's Uttara, complained, "After the fall of the Sheikh Hasina government, I was arrested on September 26 last year in a July movement murder case. I was released on bail a month ago." He stated, "My home is in Badda, my business is in Uttara. Yet, I was made the Vice President of Hazaribagh
Thana Awami League and accused in a case under that station. There are over two hundred accused in total. I have never done politics." He further added, "The plaintiff of the case lives outside Dhaka. In the same incident, the victim's family filed another case at Dhanmondi station, where I am not an accused. Now my business establishment has gone under the control of some local BNP people. Since I am a hawker, they cannot run the business themselves. They make me run it, but I have to pay them 100,000 taka a month."
Although the Law Adviser of the interim government, Asif Nazrul, expressed concern regarding these mass cases at various times, no effective measures were taken for redress. He assured that no one would be arrested without a preliminary investigation, yet the actions of the police and courts were entirely different. Many victims viewed this government flexibility or indifference as "silent consent." As a result, grassroots Awami League workers and general supporters suffered the most. A small farmer from Pabna, who was merely a union level supporter, had five murder cases filed against him. On August 5, he was working in his fields, yet he was accused in a capital city murder. He was forced to flee his home, his crops were destroyed, and his family was pushed to the brink of ruin.
On August 15, rickshaw puller Azizur Rahman was detained while going to pay his respects to Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman at Dhanmondi 32. Flowers were snatched from his hands, and he was beaten. Instead of taking action against the harassers, the Dhanmondi Thana police arrested the rickshaw puller in an attempted murder case filed in
April regarding the July-August incidents. After widespread criticism, the court granted him bail on August 17. The case in which Azizur Rahman was arrested was filed on April 2 of this year. The plaintiff, Ariful Islam, a graduate student at Mohammadpur Central College, stated that he was shot in the back in the Science Laboratory area on August 4, 2024. Ariful Islam told Deutsche Welle, "I did not file the case myself. A chairman in our area, Moni, took my signature on a paper mentioning a donation. Later, I found out a case was filed and I was the plaintiff." He added, "I realize many are being harassed with this case. Case business is being conducted because I frequently receive phone calls. But I know nothing. If there is anything I can do to help release that rickshaw puller, let me know. I will assist."
According to legal experts, such mass cases are not only political persecution but also destroy the moral foundation of the judicial system. It allows real criminals to remain hidden while innocent citizens suffer harassment. Regardless of political identity, the fundamental right of a citizen to receive legal protection is ultimately violated through these mass cases and case business. As this repressive system continues, it pushes the state's stability and human rights situation into an extreme crisis in the long term.
Looking at the data, the severity of this persecution becomes even clearer. According to information obtained from August 2024 to December 2025, approximately 1,785 cases were filed nationwide, of which 837 were murder charges. The number of named accused in these cases is approximately 150,000, while the number of unidentified accused exceeds 400,000.
Mass Arrests, Operation Devil Hunt, and Denial of Bail
Extensive arrest operations against Awami League leaders and activists, who were victims of mass legal filings and the "case business," began immediately after August 5, 2024. On one hand, at least 106 ministers and members of parliament from the Awami League were arrested; on the other hand, top terrorists and convicted militants were released from prison. This contradictory stance raised significant questions among the public. Beyond the top leadership, thousands of activists and general supporters faced arrest. Experts expressed deep concern over the human rights situation, as prisons held several times their intended capacity.
Amidst this instability, a specific incident in Gazipur shifted the situation. On the night of February 7, 2025, a group of miscreants attempted to attack and loot the house of former Liberation War Affairs Minister A.K.M. Mozammel Haque in the Dhirashram area. Locals referred to them as a "gang of robbers" and built a counter resistance, leaving at least 15 attackers seriously injured. Coordinators of the Anti- Discrimination Student Movement claimed the injured were their members and that Awami League followers had attacked them. This incident sparked new tensions nationwide. In response, citing the need to improve law and order, the government launched a special joint operation titled "Operation Devil Hunt." This crackdown was primarily aimed at eliminating the Awami League. The first phase of "Operation Devil Hunt," involving all law enforcement agencies, ran for 21 days from February 8 to March 1, during which 32,031 people were arrested across the country. Of these, 12,500 were arrested under the Devil Hunt operation, while other agencies arrested 19,531 individuals. On average, 1,525 people were arrested daily. Although the operation was declared suspended following intense criticism over its naming, the pace of arrests remained the same.
Gazipur saw the highest number of arrests as a single district during this operation. In the first five days, the number reached 332. Media workers at the Gazipur court premises found crowds of relatives of the arrested individuals. Conversations revealed that many were picked up late at night by plainclothes security forces. Mominuddin Bhandari, a leader in his seventies associated with Gazipur Ward Awami League, was detained at the start of the operation. Relatives claimed he suffered from cancer and had long been away from politics. Despite this, he was placed on a two-day remand after being produced in court. His family stated that pursuing a legal battle was difficult as lawyers were afraid to represent him due to the fear of attacks.
In Gazipur, a young woman keeping her identity secret stated that her mother was also detained at midnight. She claimed her family was not involved in any politics but lived in the same area as former Minister Mozammel Haque. She expressed frustration, asking, "None of those who went to vandalize the house at night were detained. Are they not at fault?" A report in late May 2025 revealed that approximately 359,798 people were arrested nationwide in the 10 months following August 5. On December 13, "Operation Devil Hunt Phase Two" was launched. During this second phase, 14,569 people were arrested up to January 4.
Women were not spared in this trend of political vendetta. Specifically, female leaders of the Chhatra League, Jubo Mohila League, and Awami League were arrested en masse. Among them were former central Chhatra League leader Dolna Akter, Vice President Jesmin Ara Ruma, Joint General Secretary Benazir Hossain Nishi, Eden College leader Sushmita Pandey, Chattogram University leader Shamima Sima, Dhaka University’s Shamsunnahar Hall President Khadija Akter Urmi, former Vice President Nishita Iqbal Nodi, Rajshahi City Chhatra League Environment Secretary Jannatul Ferdous Priya, Natore district activist Sheikh Mifta Faiza, Jubo Mohila League General Secretary Julia Hasan Parul, Tungipara Jubo Mohila League President Sofida Akter Jonaki and Vice President Parvin Akter, Chattogram North District Mohila Awami League leader Zinat Sohana Chowdhury, Kurigram leader Shiuly, and Rajshahi Councilor Nargis. Former International Crimes Tribunal prosecutor Turin Afroz and veteran professor of Jagannath University S.M. Anwara Begum were also arrested in political cases.
The most inhumane aspect of this period was the retaliatory action against family members. In Hnila Union of Teknaf, Cox’s Bazar, police arrested 14-year-old Rafi when they could not find his father, Awami League leader Rezaul Karim. In Sylhet, police arrested Akram, a ninth grade student, when they failed to find his father, city leader Enam Ahmad. There were also incidents where elderly fathers or relatives of Chhatra League activists were picked up and shown as unidentified accused when the activists themselves could not be found. Although there are provisions for parole for the death of a close relative, these were often ignored. Saddam Hossain Zakir, General Secretary of Bagerhat District Chhatra League, was denied parole to attend the funeral of his wife and child, who had committed suicide by drinking poison while he was in prison.
Despite most cases against the arrested being bailable in lower courts, bail was denied to the majority. Manzill Murshid, a human rights activist and senior lawyer of the Supreme Court, identified several reasons for this, including the weakness of the rule of law, political bias from the current government, the judiciary still operating under the Ministry of Law, and the ongoing "mob terrorism" by partisan lawyers in various district courts. He added that even when there are grounds to believe the accused is innocent or the offense is bailable, they are deprived of justice. Murshid, President of Human Rights and Peace for Bangladesh (HRPB), stated that while everyone has the right to bail, that right is being violated, and justice cannot be ensured through courts due to the "mob" environment.
Z.I. Khan Panna, Chairperson of Ain o Salish Kendra (ASK) and senior lawyer of the Supreme Court, considered it a gross violation of human rights to detain people for long periods without evidence. He emphasized that bail is a human right and noted that many elderly and ill individuals like Engineer Mosharraf, Journalist Mozammel Babu, A.S.M. Feroz, Zahid Faruk, Shahjahan Omar (Bir Uttom), Shahriar Kabir, Amir Hossain Amu, and Rashed Khan Menon are being held without reason, effectively pushing them toward death. He added that the law provides for bail consideration based on age, gender, and childhood, but these are being ignored. Panna noted that the arrest of a rickshaw puller for showing respect at Dhanmondi 32 in a murder case destroys public confidence in the judiciary.
Data analysis shows that from August 5, 2024, to January 2026, the total number of arrests exceeded 450,000 to 500,000, creating a deep sense of panic and uncertainty across the country.
Attacks on Court Premises
Following the fall of the Awami League government on August 5, a series of attacks occurred within court premises targeting arrested lawyers, former ministers, members of parliament, Awami League leaders, police officers, and journalists.
On August 14, former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina’s Private Industry and Investment Adviser Salman F. Rahman and former Law Minister Anisul Huq were produced before the Dhaka CMM Court in a murder case. Despite being under police protection, they were attacked and had eggs thrown at them.
Former Supreme Court Appellate Division Justice A.H.M. Shamsuddin Choudhury Manik was produced before a Sylhet court on August 24. As he stepped out of the police vehicle, a group of people struck him on the head, threw shoes at him, and physically assaulted him, even removing the protective helmet provided by the police. Due to serious injuries, including trauma to the scrotum, the former Justice had to undergo surgery at Sylhet MAG Osmani Medical College Hospital.
On August 21, former Minister and Awami League Joint General Secretary Dr. Dipu Moni was produced in court after being arrested in a murder case filed at Mohammadpur Thana. A group of lawyers assaulted her within the court area. In addition to throwing eggs, she was physically harassed. At the time, few outsiders other than lawyers and police were present.
Journalist couple Shakil Ahmed and Farzana Rupa of the private television channel Ekattor TV were detained at Dhaka's Hazrat Shahjalal International Airport on August 21 and later arrested in a murder case. While being produced in court on August 22, Farzana Rupa was punched despite being under police escort. Her husband, Shakil Ahmed, shouted in protest, demanding justice for the assault.
On October 7, former Minister Saber Hossain Chowdhury was attacked on the Dhaka court premises. While being led to the CMM court lockup, at least three individuals punched him, and eggs were thrown at him.
On October 22, lawyer Morshed Hossain Shahin was speaking to journalists after a hearing for former independent MP Syed Sayedul Haque Suman at the Dhaka Chief Metropolitan Magistrate's Court. Suddenly, a pro- BNP lawyer struck Morshed on the head. Moments later, as he resumed speaking, another lawyer pushed him and forcibly removed him from the court premises.
Following the change in government, many well-known pro-Awami League lawyers went into hiding. Others did not dare to represent their arrested party leaders in court due to the fear of attacks. Almost all detainees, except for two former military officers, faced some form of physical harassment. Lawyer Syeda Risat Jahan stood in court for her brother, former military officer Ziaul Ahsan, but she also had to leave the court premises quickly. On August 22, pro- Awami League Supreme Court lawyer Barrister Ashraful Islam was stabbed inside the lawyers' building. Many claim that pro-Awami League lawyers are unable to attend the Supreme Court due to a pervasive climate of fear.
Lawyer Sheikh Farid was also attacked for representing accused Awami League leaders at the CMM court. Farid and Morshed are among the six or seven lawyers who still dare to stand for Awami League leaders. On October 17, as Farid was leaving the CMM court building, pro-BNP lawyers beat, kicked, and punched him. "We have the right to represent our clients in court. But we are being harassed and assaulted for participating in legal proceedings," Farid told the media.
According to lawyers and court officials, pro-BNP lawyers frequently obstruct other lawyers from defending the accused and sometimes throw eggs at them before or after hearings. Whenever leaders of the Awami League and its alliance are produced at the CMM court in cases filed after the government's fall, groups including pro-BNP lawyers create chaos.
Human rights activist Nur Khan Liton stated, "It is the responsibility of law enforcement to ensure the safety of individuals in custody, and attacks on the accused under such protection are a clear violation of human rights." He noted that the state bears responsibility for this and added, "The most tragic part is that some of the attackers are lawyers themselves. Such behavior is unacceptable in any civilized society."
By law, the police are responsible for the safety of persons in custody. Section 328 (A) of the Police Regulations states that the officer in charge of a station or outpost is responsible for the safe custody of all prisoners brought there. However, throughout the interim government's tenure, the police consistently failed to fulfill this duty.
Exodus and Internal Displacement
Following the fall of the government on August 5, 2024, a wave of killings and violence erupted, forcing a vast number of Awami League leaders and activists to cross the border and seek refuge in neighboring India to save their lives. In the desperate rush to cross the border, some even lost their lives. On the afternoon of August 26, the body of Ishaque Ali Khan Panna, former General Secretary of the Bangladesh Chhatra League, was found in a betel nut orchard in the Dona Bhoi area of East Jaintia Hills district in the Indian state of Meghalaya, near the Bangladesh border. Subsequently, the state police confirmed after an investigation that he had been murdered.
According to a media report, approximately 143,000 activists including central Awami League leaders, members of parliament (MPs), ministers, state ministers, and various levels of leaders from affiliate organizations and district upazila units have taken shelter in different Indian states.
Those who were unable to leave the country were forced to abandon their homes and hide in various areas inside the country due to the fear of legal cases, mob attacks, and arrests.
Data provided by the International Displacement Monitoring Center (IDMC) and the United Nations International Organization for Migration (IOM) reveals that in 2024, 159,000 people were displaced in Bangladesh due to political violence, conflict, and the suppression of dissenting voices. Among them, confirmed data shows that 2,800 people have been internally displaced. Whether the remainder are still within the country or have fled abroad remains unconfirmed. According to their records, the total number of displacements due to political violence over the previous 16 years was 310,000, averaging 19,375 people per year. However, the number of displacements due to political violence in 2024 (159,000) is significantly higher than that average.
Data Driven Report
This report provides a concise, data-driven overview of documented violence, legal actions, and displacement involving Awami League (AL) members and affiliates between July 2024 and February 2026.
I. Fatalities and Physical Violence
Total AL Fatalities:549 leaders and activists were killed between July 2024 and February 16, 2026.
Pre-August 5: 68 deaths.
Post-August 5: 481 deaths.
Mass Casualty Events: 24 killed in a Jashore hotel arson (Aug 5); 182 killed during the Gazi Tyres arson (Aug 25).
OHCHR Verification: The UN documented a list of 144 AL-affiliated deaths between July 1 and August 15, including 68 on August 5 alone.
Gender-Based Violence: The OHCHR documented instances of sexual violence and rape targeting female members based on political affiliation.
II. Legal Harassment ("Case Business")
14. Total Cases (Aug 2024 – Dec 2025): Approximately 1,785 cases filed nationwide.
1. Murder Charges: 837 cases.
15. Scale of Accused:
1. Named Accused: ~150,000 individuals.
2. Unidentified Accused: Over 400,000 individuals.
16. Specific Figures: Arrests include 106 former Ministers and Members of Parliament. Cases often involved "case business," where signatures were taken on blank papers to extort money or settle personal scores.
III. Mass Arrests and "Operation Devil Hunt"
Total Arrests (Aug 5, 2024 – Jan 2026): Estimated between 450,000 and 500,000 people.
Demographics: Arrests targeted central and grassroots leaders, female activists, and occasionally
family members (including minors) when the primary targets could not be located.
IV. Custodial Deaths and Human Rights violation
Custodial Fatalities:49 AL members died in police or prison custody during this period.
General Prison Trends: Overall prison deaths rose to 112 in the 15 months following August 5, with 95 deaths in the first 11 months of 2025 alone.
Reported Causes: Torture, negligence, and denial of medical care or bail for elderly/infirm detainees.
V. Exodus and Internal Displacement
External Refugee Flow: Approximately 143,000 AL activists and leaders fled to India.
Internal Displacement: In 2024, 159,000 people were displaced due to political violence and conflict, significantly higher than the 16-year average of 19,375 per year.
Confirmed IDPs: 2,800 individuals are confirmed as internally displaced persons (IDPs).
Endnote
Does the Dusk Have a Dawn?
February 17, 2026. After eighteen months and seventeen days in office, the interim government led by Dr. Muhammad Yunus transferred power to an elected administration. The chapter that began on August 5, 2024, with the promise of a new Bangladesh, formally closed. What transpired in the intervening period is the subject of this book.
The transition did not unfold in conditions that democratic theory would recognize as free or fair. The Awami League, the party that had governed Bangladesh for fifteen consecutive years and that had led the nation through its Liberation War of 1971, was banned from participating in the electoral process. Its leaders were either imprisoned, in exile, dead, or living in hiding. Approximately 143,000 members and leaders had sought refuge in India. At home, some 450,000 to 500,000 individuals had been arrested; 1,785 criminal cases had been filed, naming 150,000 people by name and designating more than 400,000 others as unidentified accused. Forty-nine of the party's members died in police or prison custody. Five hundred and forty- nine were killed in acts of targeted violence. The country's oldest active political party was rendered structurally non- existent before a single ballot was cast.
On February 12, 2026, elections for the National Parliament and the Constituent Assembly were held. The principal contest was between the BNP-led alliance and the Jamaat-e- Islami and NCP alliance. The Awami League called for a boycott. Official voter turnout was recorded at 59.4%, a figure widely disputed as an overestimate. In the general election of 2008, voter turnout had stood at 87%; in the two preceding elections, at 75%. The decline is not merely a statistic. It reflects the number of citizens who, for reasons of fear, displacement, or disillusionment, did not participate in the political future of their own country. The BNP alliance won the election. Jamaat-e-Islami, while failing to secure a majority, recorded the strongest electoral performance in its history.
The record documented in this book does not end with the election. The pattern of mob violence, institutionalized impunity, the suppression of dissent, and the systematic erasure of cultural and political identity did not abate as polling day approached. These were not symptoms of a transitional moment. They were the policies of an administration. The January 15, 2026 ordinance granting legal immunity to participants of the uprising for acts defined as "political resistance" formalized what had long been practiced: that those who carried out the violence would face no legal consequence, while those who were their victims would find no remedy.
History does not conclude at a transfer of power. The shrines that were demolished remain demolished. The 1,494 sculptures uprooted across 59 districts are gone. The 62,850 books burned in libraries that stood for over a century cannot be restored. The 97 Sufi shrines whose Urs have been suspended stand silent. The journalists killed, the minorities displaced, the women assaulted, the teachers driven from their classrooms: no transfer of power reverses what was done to them. What is recorded here is not the history of a government. It is the history of what was done to a people.
No serious reader of this record would claim that Bangladesh, prior to August 5, 2024, had achieved an ideal state of governance or social justice. That claim is not being made here. What can be said, however, is that Bangladeshi society was on a trajectory. It was an imperfect trajectory, beset by the familiar ailments of a developing nation, but it was a forward one. Progress, even uneven progress, carries within it the possibility of correction and continuity. Institutions, however flawed, were part of a recognizable order. The society possessed a framework within which grievances could be expressed and norms could be contested. That framework, imperfect as it was, represented decades of difficult accumulation.
What the Yunus administration dismantled was not merely a government. It dismantled that trajectory itself. In eighteen months, mob justice was elevated into political method. Violence was granted the protection of the state. The destruction of cultural heritage was recast as liberation. Hatred toward minorities, dissenting voices, and inherited traditions was not merely tolerated; it was organized, incited, and formally immunized from accountability. The Yunus regime has left the scene. But the culture of impunity it deliberately cultivated does not vacate with it. The normalization of violence, once achieved, does not reverse on a date of political transfer. The breakdown of civic trust, the contempt for pluralism, the conditioned tolerance of cruelty as an instrument of public life: these will outlast every cabinet reshuffle. The damage inflicted upon this society in eighteen months will demand a reckoning that no single election can provide. Bangladesh has not emerged from the dusk. It has only changed who holds the reins.
"THE DUSK OF DECAY" ends where it must: not with resolution, but with record. The decay this era unleashed is not yet over. Whether it ever fully will be, only time can answer.
“Some actions of members of the interim government, as well as mobs aligned with their anti-Liberation War ideology, show ominous signs of genocidal intent towards the Awami League, towards Hindu Bangladeshis, and towards other religious minorities.”
On August 5, 2024, the government of Bangladesh was ousted. The crowds that filled the streets were swept up in hope: hope of better governance, democracy, free speech, and a fresh beginning. It was branded "Bangladesh 2.0.”
What followed was none of that.
Over the next eighteen months and seventeen days, under an interim administration led by Nobel Peace Laureate Dr. Muhammad Yunus, Bangladesh descended into a documented record of systemic violence. Minority communities were attacked across 64 districts. One thousand and seventy-three journalists were victimized. Ninety-seven Sufi shrines were demolished. More than 62,000 books were burned. Mob killings tripled within a single year. Five hundred and forty-nine political workers were killed. Nearly half a million people were arrested. Legal immunity was formally granted to those who carried out the violence. The culture of impunity was not an accident of transition. It was policy.
THE DUSK OF DECAY is a factual record of the era, sourced exclusively from mainstream media and constructed incident by incident, period by period. It does not argue. It documents. Eight chapters covering political terror, the persecution of minorities, the silencing of journalists, the destruction of cultural heritage, the assault on women and teachers, and the systematic dismantling of a society that, for all its imperfections, had been moving forward.
The regime has gone. The decay it unleashed has not.
Sometimes, the most important stories are the ones we never intended to tell. Born in Dhaka, Bangladesh, and currently residing in Melbourne, Australia, I never considered myself a writer by profession. It was only after the transformative events of August 2024 in Bangladesh that I felt a compelling need to document the changing landscape of my homeland.
That spark led to my debut book, "Bangladesh 2.0: 101 Days" published in early 2025, followed by my second work, "Dusk of Decay." As for whether I will write again, I prefer to leave that to the future. I do not align myself with any rigid political ideology; rather, I am a dreamer of a simpler, more harmonious existence, where individuals, society, faith, and nature coexist with genuine respect and empathy.
You can reach me at: dipumyname1995@gmail.com
Reference
Sources & citations
Every source cited in Dusk of Decay, grouped by publication. Each entry
links to the original article, an archived copy via the Wayback Machine (⎘), and — where
available — an offline PDF copy (⤓ PDF) that works even without internet.
“Some actions of members of the interim government, as well as mobs aligned with their anti-Liberation War ideology, show ominous signs of genocidal intent towards the Awami League, towards Hindu Bangladeshis, and towards other religious minorities.”cited p. 384